Epstein Secrets

oods of Jerusalem as well as “custodial sovereignty” over the Haram al-Sharif, the mosque complex perched above the Western Wall, the holiest site in Judaism. But precisely because we had been ready to offer so much, only for Arafat to reject it all, even as a basis for talks on a final deal, I could sens

e assertively secular creed of Gordinian Zionism. But I was old enough to remember the war of 1948, the bitter struggle for the ancient city in which Judaism had been born, the packages of food we had sent to try to help break the siege there, and the division of Jerusalem at the end of the war, leaving us

or did I doubt that President Clinton, whom I had come to view not just as a diplomatic partner but a friend, would rise to the occasion. But as for Arafat? There was simply no way of knowing. That was why I had pressed President Clinton so hard to convene the summit. That was why, despite the misgiving

deeply, and was more determined to help us end it, than any other president before him. It was a moment of truth for the leader of the Palestinians, Yasir Arafat. The Oslo Accords of 1993, groundbreaking though they were, had created a peace process, not peace. Over the past few years, that process had been l

oods of Jerusalem as well as “custodial sovereignty” over the Haram al-Sharif, the mosque complex perched above the Western Wall, the holiest site in Judaism. But precisely because we had been ready to offer so much, only for Arafat to reject it all, even as a basis for talks on a final deal, I could sens

e assertively secular creed of Gordinian Zionism. But I was old enough to remember the war of 1948, the bitter struggle for the ancient city in which Judaism had been born, the packages of food we had sent to try to help break the siege there, and the division of Jerusalem at the end of the war, leaving us

or did I doubt that President Clinton, whom I had come to view not just as a diplomatic partner but a friend, would rise to the occasion. But as for Arafat? There was simply no way of knowing. That was why I had pressed President Clinton so hard to convene the summit. That was why, despite the misgiving

deeply, and was more determined to help us end it, than any other president before him. It was a moment of truth for the leader of the Palestinians, Yasir Arafat. The Oslo Accords of 1993, groundbreaking though they were, had created a peace process, not peace. Over the past few years, that process had been l

and Christians go to the same heaven, so that he didn’t have to convert.’ °! Another one of my clients, a far more sophisticated one, did convert to Judaism — on a weekly basis. He discovered that all the Jews in a particular federal prison were taken out every Friday night to have Shabbat dinner in the h

nt them in the failed efforts to fly the Palestinian flag from a flagpole in the Harvard Yard. They knew my negative views of their hero—I had called Arafat’s death “untimely,” because if he had only died five years earlier, the Palestinian Authority might well have accepted the Clinton-Barak peace offer—

they disagree with to express wrongheaded views, while insisting on their own right—indeed obligation—to express disagreement with such views. When Yasser Arafat died in 2004, I was asked by Palestinian students at Harvard to represent them in the failed efforts to fly the Palestinian flag from a flagpole in t

art of it, should not be squandered: it, or any part of it, should not be given up." Al-Habbash has included the Western Wall, the holiest place in Judaism, as part of the "Islamic Waqf," and stated that it is "a property of the Muslims... an Islamic right... This property belongs to me and all Muslims

f 70 members of his family, and saves them all from hell. The Shahid lives together with the prophets and the righteous ones.' When they threatened Yasser Arafat, [he said] 'You threaten me with death? I yearn to die! I come only to it; I seek only it.' We will never reach the level of the prophets. We won't