nda,” Dershowitz said. “He told me he thought in the Middle East, they are ready for a deal.” Trump explained that he’d spoken to Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas and sensed that he was ready for a peace deal, Dershowitz said. 9 99 “T responded by saying, ‘the Palestinians say that to every new president, D

d end the tyranny in Iraq.’ And | did.” As if he were merely following divine orders. In July 2003, during a meeting with Palestinian Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas, Bush told the newly elected leader, “God told me to strike at Al-Qaeda and | struck them, and then He instructed me to strike at Saddam, which | did

y Land are starting to wonder whether a settlement can be achieved without another round of bloodshed. Oslo Fatigue When asked by the PSPSR whether Mahmoud Abbas’s policy of peace talks or armed resistance by Hamas is the best way to achieve a Palestinian state, an alarming 60 percent of Palestinians surveyed th

ssembly Resolution ES-10/10 (Jenin Report). Outcomes of London Conference on Palestinian Reform. US and UK invasion of Iraq. Yasir Arafat appoints Mahmoud Abbas as the first Prime Minister of the Palestinian Authority. Performance-Based Road Map to a Permanent Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian C

ailed to deliver on basic government functions. The old Arab nationalist visions of the 1950s and 1960s that animated the moderate Palestinian leader Mahmood Abbas and his mentor Yasir Arafat have less appeal to Palestinians today. One of the greatest differences today, as the Arab spring raises the hope that d

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025014 --- PAGE BREAK --- [9 Elaraby: That shouldn't be happening. It's wrong, and we do say that to them. Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas constantly implores them to stop condoning the firing of rockets. The fact is that there are extremists on both sides. SPIEGEL: Will there ever be a

inance the Fatah-dominated Palestinian Authority -- which is effectively broke, thanks to penalties imposed by the Israeli and U.S. governments after Mahmoud Abbas's successful push for a U.N. General Assembly vote on Palestinian U.N. membership, and a freeze in financial aid from Gulf State donors, most notably S

oly Land are starting to wonder whether a settlement can be achieved without another round of bloodshed. Oslo Fatigue When asked by the PSPSR whether Mahmoud Abbas's policy of peace talks or armed resistance by Hamas is the best way to achieve a Palestinian state, an alarming 60 percent of Palestinians surveyed th

finance the Fatah-dominated Palestinian Authority - which is effectively broke, thanks to penalties imposed by the Israeli and U.S. governments after Mahmoud Abbas's successful push for a U.N. General Assembly vote on Palestinian U.N. membership, and a freeze in financial aid from Gulf State donors, most notably S

Jerusalem, with Adelson at his elbow, he did not have two hours to go to Ramallah, the seat of the Palestinian Authority, to meet with its president, Mahmoud Abbas, or to share publicly any ideas on how he would advance the peace process. He did have time, though, to point out to his Jewish hosts that Israelis a

nk settlements and Jerusalem as a precondition for negotiations. This was politically impossible in Israel, and also meant that Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas could not come to the table lest he appear to be asking less from Israel than the Americans. HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031835 --- PAGE BREAK --- 3 With negot

for new strife and confrontation can actually be leveraged into a win-win situation for Israelis, Palestinians and the world. The Palestinians under Mahmoud Abbas want the United Nations to grant them a sovereign state based on the 1967 boundaries with East Jerusalem as its capital. That's all. It is not asking

s had a prime minister who was respected and admired by the Israelis, because he did not come from the same terrorist background as Yasser Arafat and Mahmoud Abbas. Unlike his ideological comrades who insisted on "liberating Palestine," Salam Fayyad, was interested in building the infrastructure for a future sta

s had a prime minister who was respected and admired by the Israelis, because he did not come from the same terrorist background as Yasser Arafat and Mahmoud Abbas. Unlike his ideological comrades who insisted on "liberating Palestine," Salam Fayyad, was interested in building the infrastructure for a future sta

me from two men who were not there: on our side, Yossi Beilin, and for the Palestinians, Arafat’s trusted diplomatic adviser, and eventual successor, Mahmoud Abbas, or Abu Mazen. Since Rabin knew I was following the ostensibly secret talks, we discussed them often. For quite a while, he remained dismissive. He

me from two men who were not there: on our side, Yossi Beilin, and for the Palestinians, Arafat's trusted diplomatic adviser, and eventual successor, Mahmoud Abbas, or Abu Mazen. Since Rabin knew I was following the ostensibly secret talks, we discussed them often. For quite a while, he remained dismissive. He b