or did I doubt that President Clinton, whom I had come to view not just as a diplomatic partner but a friend, would rise to the occasion. But as for Arafat? There was simply no way of knowing. That was why I had pressed President Clinton so hard to convene the summit. That was why, despite the misgiving

proposal. 384 HOUSE _OVERSIGHT_028232 --- PAGE BREAK --- / BARAK / 99 By the end of November, I believed that the chances of a peace agreement with Arafat were so microscopic as to border on non-existent, and that my own prospects for retaining sufficient support to be an effective Prime Minister much b

uage allows us to convey qualitatively different things, such as trust and happiness. It is very expressive; you can see the more guarded postures of Yasser Arafat and Shimon Pérez below, just after they negotiated a landmark peace deal. Can you tell if the leaders smiles are false? Communication Communication

-224 A New Kind of Science 173 anthropic principle 322 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty 79 Antikythera 15 Apple 56, 68, 224, 306 Arab world democracy 82 Arafat, Yasser 81, 82 Archimedes 343 Aristotle 149 ARM 224 ARNN 280 art being appreciated 142 creativity and 304 Artamene 129 Art of Fugue 259 ASCII 203 A

them are no longer around to reflect on Rogers’s version of events. Rabin, the great Israeli warrior-turned-politician who agreed to make peace with Arafat, aman most Israelis, as one Israeli character in the play remarks, saw as being akin to “Hitler in his bunker”, was murdered by a Jewish extremist i

Their efforts were rewarded with a momentous ceremony on the White House lawn in September 1993, with Yitzhak Rabin, the Israeli prime minister, and Yasser Arafat, the PLO chairman, shaking hands to seal the deal in front of a beaming president Bill Clinton. And sitting anonymously among the thousands of globa

stic either. After a while, it hit me: This is what Israelis and American Jews have been demanding all along. Didn’t we always say, during the bloody Arafat years, that when the Palestinians produced Gandhis everything would change? We’d never be able to resist; our Jewish hearts would melt. Now that it’s

ernment functions. The old Arab nationalist visions of the 1950s and 1960s that animated the moderate Palestinian leader Mahmood Abbas and his mentor Yasir Arafat have less appeal to Palestinians today. One of the greatest differences today, as the Arab spring raises the hope that democracy will take seed acro

, analytical chops, and capacity to write in English that would make him so indispensable to the only Palestinian who really counted in those days -- Yasir Arafat. Erekat was a unique figure -- neither a fighter (no nom de guerre for him), nor a PLO insider, nor an organization man from Tunis. Rather, he was a

ortunity? Saeb Erekat: Though I was not the chief negotiator at that moment, the connection between [then Prime Minister Yitzhak] Rabin and President Arafat made everyone around them, including myself, feel that peace was possible. There was significant progress in all tracks until Rabin's assassination b

ortunity? Saeb Erekat: Though I was not the chief negotiator at that moment, the connection between [then Prime Minister Yitzhak] Rabin and President Arafat made everyone around them, including myself, feel that peace was possible. There was significant progress in all tracks until Rabin's assassination b

, analytical chops, and capacity to write in English that would make him so indispensable to the only Palestinian who really counted in those days -- Yasir Arafat. Erekat was a unique figure -- neither a fighter (no nom de guerre for him), nor a PLO insider, nor an organization man from Tunis. Rather, he was a

nt them in the failed efforts to fly the Palestinian flag from a flagpole in the Harvard Yard. They knew my negative views of their hero—I had called Arafat’s death “untimely,” because if he had only died five years earlier, the Palestinian Authority might well have accepted the Clinton-Barak peace offer—

they disagree with to express wrongheaded views, while insisting on their own right—indeed obligation—to express disagreement with such views. When Yasser Arafat died in 2004, I was asked by Palestinian students at Harvard to represent them in the failed efforts to fly the Palestinian flag from a flagpole in t

n the Oval Office while | was on the phone with Benjamin Netanyahu. | was telling him about the time that Monica was performing oral sex on me while Yassir Arafat was waiting in the Rose Garden for our appointment. | HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015141 --- PAGE BREAK --- didn’ ttell Netanyahu that she was just about to p

n which case the world's irritation and futile Palestinian unilateralism will harden. Yitzhak Rabin did not stand on the White House lawn with Yasser Arafat for a photo-op. The Israeli warrior understood the necessity of a two-state peace. To get there at last, "It's essential that we become more sophisti

mas in particular. It will also bring Hamas—next year and for the first time— into the PLO, the body charged with negotiating peace with Israel. Even Yasser Arafat resisted that development when he headed the PLO, and it seems obvious that Israel cannot negotiate peace with an anti-Semitic terrorist group bent o

ton Compl. J 457; Burnett Compl. § 406.) On December 30, 2000, the Embassy of the State of Palestine in Riyadh sent Prince Salman a letter expressing Yasser Arafat’s concern regarding the funding of radical organizations in Palestine. (Ashton Compl. | 291; Burnett Compl. § 402.) Further, Plaintiffs claim Prince Sa

ement) (28 September 1995) 145 Temporary International Presence in Hebron (TIPH Agreement) (9 May 1996) 324 Declaration by PM Netanyahu and Chairman Arafat following their first meeting (4 September 1996) 327 Hebron Protocol (17 January 1997) 329 Note for the Record (17 January 1997) 336 HOUSE_OVERSIGH

e, the Palestinians had a prime minister who was respected and admired by the Israelis, because he did not come from the same terrorist background as Yasser Arafat and Mahmoud Abbas. Unlike his ideological comrades who insisted on "liberating Palestine," Salam Fayyad, was interested in building the infrastructur

e, the Palestinians had a prime minister who was respected and admired by the Israelis, because he did not come from the same terrorist background as Yasser Arafat and Mahmoud Abbas. Unlike his ideological comrades who insisted on "liberating Palestine," Salam Fayyad, was interested in building the infrastructur

or did I doubt that President Clinton, whom I had come to view not just as a diplomatic partner but a friend, would rise to the occasion. But as for Arafat? There was simply no way of knowing. That was why I had pressed President Clinton so hard to convene the summit. That was why, despite the misgiving