a window. To lighten the mood, | said something about the Red Sox. He said “Getty, I getta papers on banka reform every week. Yours isa the best.” Milton Friedman, another nobelist, had a different take. We had given talks ata Cato Foundation symposium in San Francisco. He hated my idea. No great surprise. He h

admired the parody and offered Brooks ajob with National Review. A turning point in Brooks’s thinking came later that year in a televised debate with Milton Friedman, which, as Brooks describes it, “was essentially me making a point, and he making a two- sentence rebuttal which totally devastated my point.” Befor

volutionary theory focused on the selfish gene and, by extension, on the individual whose purpose for living was to survive long enough to reproduce. Milton Friedman influenced economic theory and government policies for decades by positing that people, being fundamentally rational, are motivated first and foremos

tcoin is a remarkable cryptographic achievement and the ability to create something that is not duplicable in the digital world has enormous value.” Milton Friedman (1999) “| think the Internet is going to be one of the major forces for reducing the role of government... The one thing that’s missing, but that wil

ority and form a government. The Likud looked vulnerable. Domestic concerns, alone, were eroding its support. Under Begin’s turbo-charged version of Milton Freedman economics, an economic boom had given way to runaway inflation and a stock market crash. Lebanon, however, was the main issue, and it remained a runn

jority and form a government. The Likud looked vulnerable. Domestic concerns, alone, were eroding its support. Under Begin's turbo-charged version of Milton Freedman economics, an economic boom had given way to runaway inflation and a stock market crash. Lebanon, however, was the main issue, and it remained a runn

nt; commit the public sector fully to the future. Milton Friedman once said the great public sector mistake is to j