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n groups grounded not in nationalism, but fundamentalist Islam: Hamas in Gaza, which opposed Israel’s presence on any part of “Muslim Palestine,” and Islamic Jihad on the West Bank. And in Lebanon, we were confronting the Iranian-backed Shi’ ite militia fighters of Hizbollah. Each of us in the small group on wh
briefed me on the questions I could expect, not just about the Achille Lauro but the wider issue of Palestinian attacks, as well as Syrian President Hafez al- Assad’s efforts to re-equip his air force after his losses in Lebanon. So I came to the interview prepared. I brought audio tapes of the hijacker
r time, we might manage to extricate ourselves from the escalating violence with Hizbollah; reach a land- for-peace deal with the enigmatic President Hafez al-Assad in Syria; and find some form of coexistence with the Palestinians. He also spoke about international politics. I remember one afternoon in the summe
n groups grounded not in nationalism, but fundamentalist Islam: Hamas in Gaza, which opposed Israel's presence on any part of "Muslim Palestine," and Islamic Jihad on the West Bank. And in Lebanon, we were confronting the Iranian-backed Shi'ite militia fighters of Hizbollah. Each of us in the small group on whom
briefed me on the questions I could expect, not just about the Achille Lauro but the wider issue of Palestinian attacks, as well as Syrian President Hafez al- Assad's efforts to re-equip his air force after his losses in Lebanon. So I came to the interview prepared. I brought audio tapes of the hijacker
r time, we might manage to extricate ourselves from the escalating violence with Hizbollah; reach a land- for-peace deal with the enigmatic President Hafez al-Assad in Syria; and find some form of coexistence with the Palestinians. He also spoke about international politics. I remember one afternoon in the summer
w if we could, however difficult or reluctant Arafat was as a negotiating partner. If we waited, we’d end up having to deal with Islamists: Hamas and Islamic Jihad. Oded Eran, the career diplomat whom I'd put in charge of frustrating, formal talks with the Palestinians in the months preceding the summit , said h
effective end of the peace process. Even though Arik assured me privately that he understood my determination to reopen peace efforts with Arafat and Hafez al- Assad, I knew Arik. The path toward peace agreements, assuming they were even possible, would be tough. Sooner or later — and certainly if we fac
giously motivated ideologues, were Labor supporters. And almost no Israel, of any political stripe, 331 HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011802 / BARAK / 46 viewed Hafez al-Assad as a natural partner for peace. For years, he’d been a constant, sneering presence on our northern border, denouncing not only Sadat but any Arab lea
w if we could, however difficult or reluctant Arafat was as a negotiating partner. If we waited, we'd end up having to deal with Islamists: Hamas and Islamic Jihad. Oded Eran, the career diplomat whom I'd put in charge of frustrating, formal talks with the Palestinians in the months preceding the summit, said he
effective end of the peace process. Even though Arik assured me privately that he understood my determination to reopen peace efforts with Arafat and Hafez al- Assad, I knew Arik. The path toward peace agreements, assuming they were even possible, would be tough. Sooner or later - and certainly if we fac
igiously motivated ideologues, were Labor supporters. And almost no Israel, of any political stripe, 331 HOUSE _OVERSIGHT_028179 / BARAK / 46 viewed Hafez al-Assad as a natural partner for peace. For years, he'd been a constant, sneering presence on our northern border, denouncing not only Sadat but any Arab lea
enduring and strategic partnership with considerable achievements in keeping their common adversaries in check. In the Palestinian arena, Hamas and Islamic Jihad were the fruits of the convergence and cooperation between Islamist Iran and the Ba'thist Syria. Inspired by the 1979 revolution and Hezbollah in L
d Islamic flag". But as developments began to unravel in Iran and Middle East, things changed between Tehran and the PLO. From the very beginning, Hafez al-Assad carefully watched the PLO courting of Khomaini's Iran. The B'ath regime kept a wide open eye on the extent of Iranian relations with Yasser Arafat,
enduring and strategic partnership with considerable achievements in keeping their common adversaries in check. In the Palestinian arena, Hamas and Islamic Jihad were the fruits of the convergence and cooperation between Islamist Iran and the Ba'thist Syria. Inspired by the 1979 revolution and Hezbollah in
d Islamic flag". But as developments began to unravel in Iran and Middle East, things changed between Tehran and the PLO. From the very beginning, Hafez al-Assad carefully watched the PLO courting of Khomaini's Iran. The B'ath regime kept a wide open eye on the extent of Iranian relations with Yasser Arafat,
tcomes of the London Conference on Palestinian Reform (17 January 2003) 1205 Fatah Declaration of Cease-Fire Initiative (29 June 2003) 1209 Hamas and Islamic Jihad Declaration of Cease-Fire Initiative (29 June 2003) 1211 Israeli Cabinet Communiqué Approving the Removal of Arafat (11 September 2003) 1213 Hamas
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023145 →The PLO is expelled from Jordan. President Gamal Abdel Nasser dies and is replaced by Vice President Anwar al-Sadat. Syria’s Minister of Defense, Hafez al-Assad, leads the “Correctionist Movement’ military coup. Hafez al-Assad is elected President of Syria in a referendum. October or Yom Kippur War. Egypt
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023152 →Entities connected to both Islamic Jihad and Hafez al-Assad

Bashar al-Assad
PERSON
Lebanon
LOCATION
Barack Obama
PERSON
Damascus
LOCATION
George W. Bush
PERSON
Bill Clinton
PERSON
Benjamin Netanyahu
PERSON
Saddam Hussein
PERSON
Hosni Mubarak
PERSON
United States
LOCATION
Jerusalem
LOCATION
Tunisia
LOCATION
Tehran
LOCATION
Fatah
ORGANIZATION
Terje Rod-Larsen
PERSON
Yasser Arafat
PERSON
Marc Rich
PERSON
Yemen
LOCATION
West Bank
LOCATIONSinai
LOCATION