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s needed to commence peace talks.=/span> Sterle, for whom this was not the first Dialogue gather=ng, said that it is imperative to have the visit to Ramallah included in an Dialogue visits. "It is definitely worthwhile for delegates to meet and =ear from the PA ," he said, and strongly recommended a brief
' pr=sence. His reasoning, said Sterle, was that Israel hono=s its "terrorists" by naming streets, buildings and airports after them. N=mes such as Ben-Gurion, Sharon and Meir - people who, he said, killed Pale=tinians - were cited. He also mentioned Baruch Goldstein, who killed 29 Mu=lim worshipers at pra
n the morning of October 14, barely 12 hours before the Hamas deadline, Shin Bet established that Wachsman was being held in a village on the road to Ramallah, north of Jerusalem, in a house owned by a Palestinian who was living abroad. The hostage soldier’s ordeal was made even worse by the fact his mothe
res might bring Labor back to power. There was no prospect he’d win an outright majority in the 120-seat Knesset. No one had ever done that, not even Ben-Gurion in his political heyday. From 1948, Israel’s political landscape had been populated by at least a dozen-or-so parties, mostly a reflection of the var
was trying to do for the Palestinians what Ben-Gurion had done before 1948. He and I met and talked often but discreetly — sometimes in his office in Ramallah, sometimes in mine, sometimes over dinner in the 31*-floor flat I was renting in central Tel Aviv. I remember one dinner in particular. I led him ont
tructure, the economy, the internal security and the stability needed for an eventual state to succeed. He was trying to do for the Palestinians what Ben-Gurion had done before 1948. He and I met and talked often but discreetly — sometimes in his office in Ramallah, sometimes in mine, sometimes over dinner in
n the morning of October 14, barely 12 hours before the Hamas deadline, Shin Bet established that Wachsman was being held in a village on the road to Ramallah, north of Jerusalem, in a house owned by a Palestinian who was living abroad. The hostage soldier's ordeal was made even worse by the fact his mother
res might bring Labor back to power. There was no prospect he'd win an outright majority in the 120-seat Knesset. No one had ever done that, not even Ben-Gurion in his political heyday. From 1948, Israel's political landscape had been populated by at least a dozen-or-so parties, mostly a reflection of the var
was trying to do for the Palestinians what Ben-Gurion had done before 1948. He and I met and talked often but discreetly - sometimes in his office in Ramallah, sometimes in mine, sometimes over dinner in the 3 1st -floor flat I was renting in central Tel Aviv. I remember one dinner in particular. I led him
tructure, the economy, the internal security and the stability needed for an eventual state to succeed. He was trying to do for the Palestinians what Ben-Gurion had done before 1948. He and I met and talked often but discreetly - sometimes in his office in Ramallah, sometimes in mine, sometimes over dinner in
Entities connected to both Ramallah and Ben-Gurion

Jerusalem
LOCATION
Benjamin Netanyahu
PERSON
Fatah
ORGANIZATION
Lebanon
LOCATION
West Bank
LOCATION
Barack Obama
PERSON
Mahmoud Abbas
PERSON
Bashar al-Assad
PERSON
George W. Bush
PERSONthe West Bank
LOCATION
Cairo
LOCATION
Hosni Mubarak
PERSON
Yasser Arafat
PERSON
United States
LOCATION
Damascus
LOCATION
Tehran
LOCATION
Bill Clinton
PERSON
Saddam Hussein
PERSONSinai
LOCATION
Middle East
LOCATION