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tives at his disposal, was utterly blindsided, and very soon toppled and imprisoned, by an uprising that began with a sudden show of popular anger in Cairo’s Tahrir Square. Internally as well, Israel faces dangers. Chief among them is the alarming erosion of the standards of civil discourse, amid the in
peace talks, or recognition of the State of Israel. And in October, Egyptian missile boats attacked and sunk Israel’s largest warship, the destroyer Eilat, killing nearly 50 people on board. Without this renewed violence, perhaps, we in Israel might have been able to consider more deeply the future imp
s mission so far: targeting the main communications system between Suez City, at the southern end of the canal, and Egyptian military headquarters in Cairo. We were obviously going to have to go in by helicopter. But we faced not just the risk of being spotted on the way in. The buildup of Egyptian force
didn’t rein in Arafat’s men, Israel would take whatever action necessary. But the decisive moment came on the eighteenth of March. A school bus near Eilat, in the far south of Israel, hit a Fatah landmine, killing the driver and a teacher, and injuring 10 of the children. I was called up the night befo
tives at his disposal, was utterly blindsided, and very soon toppled and imprisoned, by an uprising that began with a sudden show of popular anger in Cairo’s Tahrir Square. Internally as well, Israel faces dangers. Chief among them is the alarming erosion of the standards of civil discourse, amid the in
peace talks, or recognition of the State of Israel. And in October, Egyptian missile boats attacked and sunk Israel's largest warship, the destroyer Eilat, killing nearly 50 people on board Without this renewed violence, perhaps, we in Israel might have been able to consider more deeply the future impli
s mission so far: targeting the main communications system between Suez City, at the southern end of the canal, and Egyptian military headquarters in Cairo. We were obviously going to have to go in by helicopter. But we faced not just the risk of being spotted on the way in. The buildup of Egyptian force
didn't rein in Arafat's men, Israel would take whatever action necessary. But the decisive moment came on the eighteenth of March. A school bus near Eilat, in the far south of Israel, hit a Fatah landmine, killing the driver and a teacher, and injuring 10 of the children. I was called up the night befor
empire in New York, the military power embodied by the Pentagon— had been hit. Sweets were handed out in East Jerusalem, there were no tears shed in Cairo for the Americans, more than three decades of U.S. aid notwithstanding. Everywhere in that Arab world—among the Western-educated elite as among the I
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025016 →ause of the breakdown in law and order in recent months. The attacks on the pipeline bringing Egyptian gas to Israel, and the recent terror attack in Eilat, are testimony to this. So while the "Shia crescent" may have suffered a strategic setback as a result of the upheavals in the Arab world, the space
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025021 →Entities connected to both Cairo and Eilat

Barack Obama
PERSON
George W. Bush
PERSON
United States
LOCATION
Benjamin Netanyahu
PERSON
Jeffrey Epstein
PERSON
Hosni Mubarak
PERSON
Bashar al-Assad
PERSON
Lebanon
LOCATION
Marc Rich
PERSON
Tehran
LOCATION
Bill Clinton
PERSON
Yemen
LOCATION
Jerusalem
LOCATION
Middle East
LOCATION
Tunisia
LOCATION
Damascus
LOCATION
Fatah
ORGANIZATION
Bahrain
LOCATION
Saddam Hussein
PERSON
Mahmoud Abbas
PERSON