Epstein Secrets

icted killer of Israelis finds friends on the Jewish left By Stephen FlatowlJNS.org A Palestinian terrorist who murdered two Hebrew University of Jerusalem students has found a new ally, the far-left Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) group. How mainstream Jewish liberal groups respond to JVP's hosting of Ra

lis finds friends on the Jewish left What Israel's counter- terrorism experts are saying about their 'art' Ancient Hebrew inscriptions found in Galilee synagogue Former U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry (left) shakes hands with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Tel Aviv in July 2014. M

gress during its two years in office, mostly because the White House insisted on a 100 percent construction freeze in the West Bank settlements and Jerusalem as a precondition for negotiations. This was politically impossible in Israel, and also meant that Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas could not co

selectively. When it is interested, it has a serious battle problem. To attack Israel, it would have to strike between Mount Hermon and the Sea of Galilee, an area about 25 miles wide. The Syrians potentially can attack south of the sea, but only if they are prepared to fight through this region and t

f the Galilee (northern Israel) to the southern tip of the Negev (southern Israel); from Gaza to the West Bank and EFTA_R1_00470653 EFTA01981857 Jerusalem, from the farthest place of exile to the homeland... We are one nation, one cause, one entity, one hope and one right, and we will not leave this l

burning against us for a month now, our national unity has endured in an exceptional manner. Our unity, which extends from the northern tip of the Galilee (northern Israel) to the southern tip of the Negev (southern Israel); from Gaza to the West Bank and EFTA_R1_00470653 EFTA01981857 Jerusalem, fr

order to end it. At issue were rival claims on security, final borders, Israeli settlements, Palestinian refugees, and the future of ancient city of Jerusalem. None of these could be resolved without painful, and politically perilous, compromises. Entering the summit, despite the pressures ahead, I was con

Gaza was seven miles from the southern Israeli city of Ashkelon and just 40 from the outskirts of Tel AVIV. Israel did secure control of the entire Galilee, up to the pre-war borders with Lebanon and Syria, and of the Negev Desert in the south. The territory of our new state was about a third larger than

an assurance of confidentiality through Ne’eman. The first of about a half-dozen meetings came a few days later at the Prime Minister’s residence in Jerusalem. Then, we shifted venue, meeting at a Mossad-owned villa north of Tel Aviv. I brought along Bougie Herzog, a bright young lawyer, and Labor Party mem

g escalation: the spread of the violence into Israel itself, with unprecedentedly serious clashes between our own Arab citizens and the police in the Galilee, in Wadi Ara, in the main mixed Arab-Jewish cities, and the Negev. Beyond the political implications, the demonstrations of solidarity with the Pales

order to end it. At issue were rival claims on security, final borders, Israeli settlements, Palestinian refugees, and the future of ancient city of Jerusalem. None of these could be resolved without painful, and politically perilous, compromises. Entering the summit, despite the pressures ahead, I was con

Gaza was seven miles from the southern Israeli city of Ashkelon and just 40 from the outskirts of Tel AVIV. Israel did secure control of the entire Galilee, up to the pre-war borders with Lebanon and Syria, and of the Negev Desert in the south. The territory of our new state was about a third larger than

an assurance of confidentiality through Ne'eman. The first of about a half-dozen meetings came a few days later at the Prime Minister's residence in Jerusalem. Then, we shifted venue, meeting at a Mossad-owned villa north of Tel Aviv. I brought along Bougie Herzog, a bright young lawyer, and Labor Party mem

g escalation: the spread of the violence into Israel itself, with unprecedentedly serious clashes between our own Arab citizens and the police in the Galilee, in Wadi Ara, in the main mixed Arab-Jewish cities, and the Negev. Beyond the political implications, the demonstrations of solidarity with the Pales

rational and more distant with me. They repeated often the scriptural story about young Jesus, accidentally separated from his parents on a visit to Jerusalem. When by standers asked Him about where His parents were, He answered, “| have no mother and father.” They told me that they, like God’s son Jesus, w

phone, trombone, trumpet, mouth organ and two snare drums. Sounding a bit like a Salivation Army Band, they played and sang, “They cast their nets in Galilee just off the hills of brown; such happy simple fisher folk, before the Lord came down...the peace of God, it is no peace, but strife closed in the so

ng an Oxford companion to the Arab-Israeli conflict was first presented to me in 2005 by Markus Bouillon, who served for me both in my UN capacity in Jerusalem and at the International Peace Institute (IPI) in New York. Nur Laiq laboriously and faithfully collected most of the relevant documents and contrib-

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rogress during its two years in office, mostly because the White House insisted on a 100 percent construction freeze in the West Bank settlements and Jerusalem as a precondition for negotiations. This was politically impossible in Israel, and also meant that Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas could not come

on extended supply lines. If an attack is mounted along the main route, Syrian forces must descend the Golan Heights and then fight through the hilly Galilee before reaching the coastal plain - sometimes with guerrillas holding out in the Galilean hills. The Galilee is an area that is relatively easy to de