Epstein Secrets

ber of suggestions Israel could make, with no domestic political risk but with every prospect of improving the atmosphere and accelerating progress. "Yitzhak is one of Israel's top lawyers," I said. "He's struck dozens of deals in his life. But he strikes a deal when that's what his client wants. You are t

n of our nuclear energy commission, and of Shimon Peres, who was head of the Labor opposition. But as we

he had acted against the advice of the then-heads of both the Mossad and military intelligence, the chairman of our nuclear energy commission, and of Shimon Peres, who was head of the Labor opposition. But as we neared our final, formal decision, we were forced into another delay. In the summer of 2012, an unre

t of Tel Aviv. Rabin had a very low table in his office, with two chairs. We would sit across from each other, each with a ready supply of coffee and Yitzhak smoking an apparently endless supply of cigarettes, and we would just talk. Politics. Strategy. Israel. The PLO. The surrounding Arab states. And the

he two of us actually met — shortly after the assassination of my longtime comrade and friend Yitzhak Rabin, when I had become Foreign Minister under Shimon Peres. But in the intervening years, Arafat was rarely off of my radar. By the early 1970s, he and his fighters had been expelled by King Hussein’s army fr

, when I had become Foreign Minister under Shimon Peres. But in the intervening years, Arafat was rarely

questions and outright criticism of the siege building both internationally and inside Israel, Arik got Rabin to helicopter north with him to Beirut. Yitzhak spent six or seven hours there. His verdict on the siege, at least as reported in the Israeli press, was more than Arik could have hoped for. Lehadek

July. Just as the trauma of the 1973 war had helped Begin end Likud’s three decades in opposition, the polls and the pundits were now suggesting that Shimon Peres might bring Labor back to power. There was no prospect he’d win an outright majority in the 120-seat Knesset. No one had ever done that, not even Ben

ng being used as our military headquarters in the south Lebanese city of Tyre, killing more than 60 people. Yet the election ended up as a near-tie. Peres did lead Labor back into top spot for the first time since Begin’s victory in 1977. But he got only 44 seats, to the Likud’s 41. After weeks of horse

ber of suggestions Israel could make, with no domestic political risk but with every prospect of improving the atmosphere and accelerating progress. “Yitzhak is one of Israel’s top lawyers,” I said. “He’s struck dozens of deals in his life. But he strikes a deal when that’s what his client wants. You are t

he had acted against the advice of the then-heads of both the Mossad and military intelligence, the chairman of our nuclear energy commission, and of Shimon Peres, who was head of the Labor opposition. But as we neared our final, formal decision, we were forced into another delay. In the summer of 2012, an unr

n of our nuclear energy commission, and of Shimon Peres, who was head of the Labor opposition. But as we

t of Tel Aviv. Rabin had a very low table in his office, with two chairs. We would sit across from each other, each with a ready supply of coffee and Yitzhak smoking an apparently endless supply of cigarettes, and we would just talk. Politics. Strategy. Israel. The PLO. The surrounding Arab states. And the

he two of us actually met — shortly after the assassination of my longtime comrade and friend Yitzhak Rabin, when I had become Foreign Minister under Shimon Peres. But in the intervening years, Arafat was rarely off of my radar. By the early 1970s, he and his fighters had been expelled by King Hussein’s army fr

, when I had become Foreign Minister under Shimon Peres. But in the intervening years, Arafat was rarely

questions and outright criticism of the siege building both internationally and inside Israel, Arik got Rabin to helicopter north with him to Beirut. Yitzhak spent six or seven hours there. His verdict on the siege, at least as reported in the Israeli press, was more than Arik could have hoped for. Lehadek

July. Just as the trauma of the 1973 war had helped Begin end Likud's three decades in opposition, the polls and the pundits were now suggesting that Shimon Peres might bring Labor back to power. There was no prospect he'd win an outright majority in the 120-seat Knesset. No one had ever done that, not even Ben

ing being used as our military headquarters in the south Lebanese city of Tyre, killing more than 60 people. Yet the election ended up as a near-tie. Peres did lead Labor back into top spot for the first time since Begin's victory in 1977. But he got only 44 seats, to the Likud's 41. After weeks of horse

h the first EFTA00683739 steps towards the Palestinians, took huge national, diplomatic, security and political risks. Some paid a heavy price. Yitzhak paid the ultimate price. But they all dared — and acted. This is the true test of leadership. This is also the real test of creative statesmanship

e Palestinians is the root of all the troubles in the Middle East — the original sin! - I say: this is not true! Even if I, in 2000 (or Rabin and Peres in 1994 or Olmert in 2008), were to have reached a peace treaty with the Palestinians — which would have been implemented a long time ago the "M

ountries (excluding Saudi Arabia) and H l [ th ft especially the emotional speech of King Hussein e a one, a e me, of Jordan. His words referring to Yitzhak and e Leah Rabin as “my brother" and "my sister," h d th fi which Muslims usually reserve for one another, a e capaci O and the tears shed by both

b moderation is in direct proportion to Israeli strength. If the Arabs could defeat Israel, who could doubt that sooner or later they would try? Can Shimon Peres, a durable politician less trusted by Israelis, lead the people in pursuit of Rabin's twin goals of peace and security? He is a consummate internatio

that sooner or later they would try? Can Shimon Peres, a durable politician less trusted by Israelis, l

h the Palestinians is the root of all the troubles in the Middle East - the original sin! - I say: this is not true! Even if I, in 2000 (or Rabin and Peres in 1994 or Olmert in 2008), were to have reached a peace treaty with the Palestinians - which would have been implemented a long time ago the "Muslim

d later Peres - with the first steps towards the Palestinians, took huge national, diplomatic, security and political risks. Some paid a heavy price. Yitzhak paid the ultimate price. But they all dared - and acted. This is the true test of leadership. This is also the real test of creative statesmanship. •

th the Palestinians is the root of all the troubles in the Middle East - the original sin! - I say: this is not rule Even if I, in 2000 (or Rabin and Peres in 1994 or Olmert in 2008), were to have reached a peace treaty with the Palestinians - which would have been implemented a long time ago the "Muslim

d later Peres - with the first steps towards the Palestinians, took huge national, diplomatic, security and political risks. Some paid a heavy price. Yitzhak paid the ultimate price. But they all dared - and acted. This is the true test of leadership. This is also the real test of creative statesmanship. •