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What Judis conveniently neglects to describe fully, however, is the central role the owner of the house in question, the Grand Mufti, Hajj Ammin al- Husseini, had in stirring things up. He didn't just convene international conferences, as Judis notes. Throughout the 1920s, he distributed The Protocols of
ed simulacrum of democracy rather than doing away with it altogether, and thus discrediting it further. The next big setback was the Iraq war. When Saddam Hussein's fabled weapons of mass destruction failed to materialise after the American-led EFTA00684346 invasion of 2003, Mr Bush switched instead to justif
her. The next big setback was the Iraq war. When Saddam Hussein's fabled weapons of mass destruction fai
he next big setback was the Iraq war. When Saddam Hussein's fabled weapons of mass destruction failed to m
d War II." While he knows that the "Stern Gang" staged terrorist attacks against the British during the war, he seems to be utterly unaware of the Irgun's revolt in 1944 (or, for that matter, of any of its activities during the next couple of years, except for the bombing of the King David Hotel in
pecially the US. Under Begin, we'd already bombed Saddam Hussein's nuclear reactor without telling the Ame
ady to carry out. Several of the most complex centered on the new threat posed by Palestinian groups in Lebanon. Before the civil war in Jordan, King Hussein had accused Fatah, the PFLP and the equally militant Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine of trying to create "a state within a state" an
nments had always calculated that we needed at least some measure of support from foreign allies, especially the US. Under Begin, we'd already bombed Saddam Hussein's nuclear reactor without telling the Americans beforehand. Shortly after I returned to the kirya, he provoked further anger in Washington by announcin
her than the separate peace with Sadat. Begin had no more experience or knowledge of military details than Shimon. But from his days in the pre-state Irgun, he'd been an unapologetic admirer of men of military action. After his victory in the 1977 election, he'd formed a government stocked with some of I
might not present a conventional threat. Yet while I’d been with my tank company in the Sinai, they were fighting a full-scale civil war against King Hussein’s army in Jordan. The catalyst: a multiple hijacking in September 1970, a sign that they were turning to non-conventional warfare, and to acts of ter
nments had always calculated that we needed at least some measure of support from foreign allies, especially the US. Under Begin, we'd already bombed Saddam Hussein’s nuclear reactor without telling the Americans beforehand. Shortly after I returned to the kirya, he provoked further anger in Washington by announcin
pecially the US. Under Begin, we'd already bombed Saddam Hussein’s nuclear reactor without telling the Ame
er than the separate peace with Sadat. Begin had no more experience or knowledge of military details than Shimon. But from his days in the pre-state Irgun, he’d been an unapologetic admirer of men of military action. After his victory in the 1977 election, he’d formed a government stocked with some of I
reports in the weeks after the training accident made secrecy impossible. We were planning to infiltrate a Sayeret Matkal unit into Iraq, and to kill Saddam Hussein. The Gulf War had blunted any immediate threat from Iraq. But Saddam had proven he could launch missiles into the heart of Israel. We knew from our
urate at long range. But they could reach Israeli towns and cities, and could carry not just conventional explosives but chemical warheads. Moreover, Saddam had used chemical weapons: during the Iran-Iraq war, and to kill thousands of his own restive Kurdish population in the town of Halabja in the spring
t reminded me of how my father had spoken to me when I was growing up — minus the “well-off family” part. 232 HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011703 When we got to Hussein’s country home, we were greeted by an impressively self-assured man in his late 20s who, like Hussein, had studied at Britain’s military academy in S
ame cloth: an advocate from the 1940s of securing a Jewish state in all of Palestine, by whatever force necessary. He’d broken with Begin’s pre-state Irgun militia to set up a group called Lehi, which went further and carried out political assassinations: the 1944 killing of Lord Moyne, Britain’s Ministe
reports in the weeks after the training accident made secrecy impossible. We were planning to infiltrate a Sayeret Matkal unit into Iraq, and to kill Saddam Hussein. The Gulf War had blunted any immediate threat from Iraq. But Saddam had proven he could launch missiles into the heart of Israel. We knew from our i
urate at long range. But they could reach Israeli towns and cities, and could carry not just conventional explosives but chemical warheads. Moreover, Saddam had used chemical weapons: during the Iran-Iraq war, and to kill thousands of his own restive Kurdish population in the town of Halabja in the spring
t reminded me of how my father had spoken to me when I was growing up - minus the "well-off family" part. 232 HOUSE _OVERSIGHT_028080 When we got to Hussein's country home, we were greeted by an impressively self-assured man in his late 20s who, like Hussein, had studied at Britain's military academy in S
ame cloth: an advocate from the 1940s of securing a Jewish state in all of Palestine, by whatever force necessary. He'd broken with Begin's pre-state Irgun militia to set up a group called Lehi, which went further and carried out political assassinations: the 1944 killing of Lord Moyne, Britain's Ministe
Entities connected to both Saddam Hussein and Irgun

George W. Bush
PERSON
United States
LOCATION
Bill Clinton
PERSON
Bashar al-Assad
PERSON
Lebanon
LOCATION
Benjamin Netanyahu
PERSON
Hosni Mubarak
PERSON
Jerusalem
LOCATION
Damascus
LOCATION
Tunisia
LOCATION
Cairo
LOCATION
Ronald Reagan
PERSON
John F. Kennedy
PERSON
Baghdad
LOCATION
Michael Cohen
PERSONLeon Black
PERSON
Condoleezza Rice
PERSON
Fatah
ORGANIZATION
Virginia Giuffre
PERSON
Mahmoud Abbas
PERSON