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operation between Israel and the PA, which has led to an unprecedented calm after several years of bloody violence. Israel's reaction to the Hamas-Fatah pact has been to hunker down, hoping that the unity government will collapse under the weight of the parties' differences. Yet paralysis carries it
egan to dawn on foreign observers and commentators. Some had their misgivings from the beginning, remembering Foucault's misguided enthusiasm about Khomeini and the Iranian revolution. But, they argued, Cairo was not Tehran—which is indeed undeniable. Articles began to appear arguing that revolutions ar
s to Assad's concerns on both the Lebanese and Palestinian fronts. When in late 1979, radical factions in Iran endeavored, in coordination with al- Fatah, to dispatch volunteer corps to Southern Lebanon, Syrians thwarted the initiative. From the perspective of President Assad, the translation of an e
r goal of "exporting the Islamic revolution" would not succeed. No doubt that Arafat's close ties with Saddam Hussein, a nemesis of both Assad and Khomeini, and his concession to recognize Israel also widened the chasm between the PLO and the Islamic Republic. From Assad's standpoint, Arafat's relatio
n Policy Palestinians between reconciliation and impasse Peter Lagerquist July 5, 2011 -- The reconciliation accord formally signed by Hamas and Fatah on May 2 is beginning to show its first cracks. The two movements agreed to jointly contest new elections in late 2012 and were scheduled to announ
are ascribed a Shi'ite infallibility, supreme in faith, practice, and policy. Their Supreme Leaders have consigned thousands to death in the 1980s (Khomeini) and treat articulate liberal democrats today to prison and torture (Khamenei). Faith and the state are also interlocked, but differently, in the r
f the Camp David talks in 2000, the second Palestinian uprising, the aftermath of Israel's disengagement from Gaza in 2005, and the widening Hamas- Fatah rift rendered the two-state solution unlikely to materialize in the eyes of many in Israel, no matter how crucial it is to securing the Jewish-demo
broke out in 1999 was crushed without mercy. Recalling Khatami Khatami was either a man powerless to defend the movement or a faithful son of the Khomeini order who was given leeway by the regime's powers that be. He couldn't defy the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, or run afoul of the Islamic
hartoum Resolution of the three ‘Noes’. 22 November 1967 UN Security Council Resolution 242. 21 March 1968 The battle of Karameh between Israel and Fatah and Jordanian forces. First direct military confrontation between Israeli and Palestinian forces. 17 July 1968 The Palestinian National Charter. HOU
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023152 →leaves Iran after months of domestic turmoil. 26 March 1979 Signature of the Egypt-Israel Peace Treaty in the White House. 1 April 1979 Ayatollah Khomeini proclaims the Islamic Republic of Iran after a national referendum. 2 April 1979 Prime Minister Begin visits Cairo. February 1980 Israel and Egypt
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023153 →Entities connected to both Fatah and Khomeini

Jerusalem
LOCATION
Barack Obama
PERSON
Lebanon
LOCATION
Mahmoud Abbas
PERSON
Benjamin Netanyahu
PERSON
Bashar al-Assad
PERSON
George W. Bush
PERSON
Tehran
LOCATION
Hosni Mubarak
PERSON
Damascus
LOCATION
United States
LOCATION
Cairo
LOCATION
Tunisia
LOCATION
West Bank
LOCATION
Saddam Hussein
PERSONthe West Bank
LOCATIONthe Gaza Strip
LOCATION
Terje Rod-Larsen
PERSON
Middle East
LOCATION
Yemen
LOCATION