Epstein Secrets

male suicide terrorist of the Al-Aqsa Intifada. One was killed and 150 were wounded in her attack. Idris worked for the Palestinian Red Crescent in Ramallah. She crossed the check post into Israel wearing a Red Crescent uniform and carrying the bomb with her in the ambulance. "Did you know? The first m

lomats, and one of them killed Ami Shchori, Israel's agricultural attaché in London. These were the most successful operations, and they taught the Mossad a lesson in military activity." EFTA00700966 , Dec. 29, 2012] Rifle bullets spell out the words "Fatah 48." Next to the picture appear the words

setting his sights on UN recognition of a Palestinian state in the fall. (AP) Speaking at the opening of a meeting for the Palestinian leadership in Ramallah, Abbas said Netanyahu "has shown us, in addition to the many mistakes and distortions that he moved very far from the peace process. There was noth

olster the reconciliation with Fatah. "We will insist on reconciliation, bolster steadfastness, and face occupation with unity." (Maan News) Former Mossad director Meir Dagan has come out against Israel's intention to block the international recognition of a Palestinian state. In a speech given on Tues

suming office for talks that are expected to focus on Iran, Israeli officials tell me. He's also expected to meet Palestinian Authority officials in Ramallah." The Hill (8/9, Schnell, 5.69M) reports Burns "will reportedly meet with David Barnea, the director of the Mossad intelligence agency, and Israeli

stinian Authority officials in Ramallah." The Hill (8/9, Schnell, 5.69M) reports Burns "will reportedly meet with David Barnea, the director of the Mossad intelligence agency, and Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, in addition to other senior defense and intelligence personnel." Bloomberg Report:

n the morning of October 14, barely 12 hours before the Hamas deadline, Shin Bet established that Wachsman was being held in a village on the road to Ramallah, north of Jerusalem, in a house owned by a Palestinian who was living abroad. The hostage soldier’s ordeal was made even worse by the fact his mothe

diplomacy in the hopes of reducing one of the obvious risks in such an attack: a conflict with Jordan, which we’d have to overfly to reach Iraq. The Mossad had a unit called 7evel, a kind of shadow foreign ministry for states with which we had no formal relations but with which, in both side’s interests,

lding mine. To land safely we have to help each other... And if we don’t jump, many, many innocent people who are now walking the streets of Gaza and Ramallah and Hebron, Tel Aviv and Jerusalem, will die.” Arafat again just nodded, leaving me, and the President, unsure whether anything I’d said had struck h

. The first of about a half-dozen meetings came a few days later at the Prime Minister’s residence in Jerusalem. Then, we shifted venue, meeting at a Mossad-owned villa north of Tel Aviv. I brought along Bougie Herzog, a bright young lawyer, and Labor Party member, who was working in the same law firm and

was trying to do for the Palestinians what Ben-Gurion had done before 1948. He and I met and talked often but discreetly — sometimes in his office in Ramallah, sometimes in mine, sometimes over dinner in the 31*-floor flat I was renting in central Tel Aviv. I remember one dinner in particular. I led him ont

ed a few weeks earlier by Olmert on a threat hundreds of miles further away: a construction site in northeast Syria, along the Euphrates River, where Mossad had uncovered evidence that the Syrians, with technical help from North Korea and funding from Iran, were building a nuclear reactor. I had got to k

n the morning of October 14, barely 12 hours before the Hamas deadline, Shin Bet established that Wachsman was being held in a village on the road to Ramallah, north of Jerusalem, in a house owned by a Palestinian who was living abroad. The hostage soldier's ordeal was made even worse by the fact his mother

diplomacy in the hopes of reducing one of the obvious risks in such an attack: a conflict with Jordan, which we'd have to overfly to reach Iraq. The Mossad had a unit called Tevel, a kind of shadow foreign ministry for states with which we had no formal relations but with which, in both side's interests,

lding mine. To land safely we have to help each other... And if we don't jump, many, many innocent people who are now walking the streets of Gaza and Ramallah and Hebron, Tel Aviv and Jerusalem, will die." Arafat again just nodded, leaving me, and the President, unsure whether anything I'd said had struck h

. The first of about a half-dozen meetings came a few days later at the Prime Minister's residence in Jerusalem. Then, we shifted venue, meeting at a Mossad-owned villa north of Tel Aviv. I brought along Bougie Herzog, a bright young lawyer, and Labor Party member, who was working in the same law firm and

was trying to do for the Palestinians what Ben-Gurion had done before 1948. He and I met and talked often but discreetly - sometimes in his office in Ramallah, sometimes in mine, sometimes over dinner in the 3 1st -floor flat I was renting in central Tel Aviv. I remember one dinner in particular. I led him

ed a few weeks earlier by Olmert on a threat hundreds of miles further away: a construction site in northeast Syria, along the Euphrates River, where Mossad had uncovered evidence that the Syrians, with technical help from North Korea and funding from Iran, were building a nuclear reactor. *** I had got t