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selectively. When it is interested, it has a serious battle problem. To attack Israel, it would have to strike between Mount Hermon and the Sea of Galilee, an area about 25 miles wide. The Syrians potentially can attack south of the sea, but only if they are prepared to fight through this region and t
hat a compromise on construction could bring the Palestinians back to the table with the government of Israel—until the agreement between Hamas and Fatah was signed on April 27. This agreement, unless and until it collapses, makes Israeli concessions or new flexibility in the West Bank impossible and
burning against us for a month now, our national unity has endured in an exceptional manner. Our unity, which extends from the northern tip of the Galilee (northern Israel) to the southern tip of the Negev (southern Israel); from Gaza to the West Bank and EFTA_R1_00470653 EFTA01981857 Jerusalem, fr
atives managed to draw even a single voice to engage in dialogue with us?" [Op-ed by Yahya Rabah, columnist for official PA daily and member of the Fatah Leadership Committee in Gaza AI-Hayat Al-Jadida, July 12, 2014] , 7 • This research was made possible by the su000rt of readers like you. Don
Gaza was seven miles from the southern Israeli city of Ashkelon and just 40 from the outskirts of Tel AVIV. Israel did secure control of the entire Galilee, up to the pre-war borders with Lebanon and Syria, and of the Negev Desert in the south. The territory of our new state was about a third larger than
ancing on a Jordanian town called Karameh, across the 5 HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011476 Jordan River from the West Bank, from which a fledgling group called Fatah, under the command of Arafat, had been staging a series of raids. In one of their most recent attacks, they’d planted land mines, one of which destro
g escalation: the spread of the violence into Israel itself, with unprecedentedly serious clashes between our own Arab citizens and the police in the Galilee, in Wadi Ara, in the main mixed Arab-Jewish cities, and the Negev. Beyond the political implications, the demonstrations of solidarity with the Pales
unrest on the day of Arik’s visit. We would later learn this was a deliberate campaign, waged with guns and grenades, by Hamas and Islamic Jihad, the Fatah offshoot Tanzim, and Arafat’s own police force. The media had changed, too, in the 13 years since the first intifada, with the rise of twenty-four-s
Gaza was seven miles from the southern Israeli city of Ashkelon and just 40 from the outskirts of Tel AVIV. Israel did secure control of the entire Galilee, up to the pre-war borders with Lebanon and Syria, and of the Negev Desert in the south. The territory of our new state was about a third larger than
ancing on a Jordanian town called Karameh, across the 5 HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027853 Jordan River from the West Bank, from which a fledgling group called Fatah, under the command of Arafat, had been staging a series of raids. In one of their most recent attacks, they’d planted land mines, one of which destro
g escalation: the spread of the violence into Israel itself, with unprecedentedly serious clashes between our own Arab citizens and the police in the Galilee, in Wadi Ara, in the main mixed Arab-Jewish cities, and the Negev. Beyond the political implications, the demonstrations of solidarity with the Pales
unrest on the day of Arik's visit. We would later learn this was a deliberate campaign, waged with guns and grenades, by Hamas and Islamic Jihad, the Fatah offshoot Tanzim, and Arafat's own police force. The media had changed, too, in the 13 years since the first intifada, with the rise of twenty-four-se
o applies to Palestinian land within the state of Israel, including in the Negev, where Bedouin are currently threatened with dispossession, in the Galilee, which is under constant threat on account of Israel's repeated efforts to "Judaize" the region, and in the so-called mixed towns within the Green
s for accountability, for representation, and for respect of their basic human rights by both the government dominated by Hamas in Gaza and that of Fatah in the West Bank. This is also the time to expose and push for an end to PA security collaboration with the occupying Israeli forces. EFTA00584919
hartoum Resolution of the three ‘Noes’. 22 November 1967 UN Security Council Resolution 242. 21 March 1968 The battle of Karameh between Israel and Fatah and Jordanian forces. First direct military confrontation between Israeli and Palestinian forces. 17 July 1968 The Palestinian National Charter. HOU
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023152 →OF - FINAL, 12/9/2014, SPi 34 i 36° Beirut , i ¢ PALESTINE ° ka oy (1900) a £ . Damascus @ Ss Tyre NV ~ ») e ~ 4 Golan Akko 5, G) Haifa Sea of * e ; Galilee Nazareth “ibid Mediterranean a me Sea g Nablus - © G g ° P32 — Jatta ° i —32—| Jericho | Amman Jerusalem ® co tied Hebron . Deal > Gaza ye s ed & ° *
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023176 →that a compromise on construction could bring the Palestinians back to the table with the government of Israel-until the agreement between Hamas and Fatah was signed on April 27. This agreement, unless and until it collapses, makes Israeli concessions or new flexibility in the West Bank impossible and p
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031836 →on extended supply lines. If an attack is mounted along the main route, Syrian forces must descend the Golan Heights and then fight through the hilly Galilee before reaching the coastal plain - sometimes with guerrillas holding out in the Galilean hills. The Galilee is an area that is relatively easy to de
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031862 →Entities connected to both Galilee and Fatah

Jerusalem
LOCATION
Barack Obama
PERSON
Mahmoud Abbas
PERSON
Lebanon
LOCATION
Benjamin Netanyahu
PERSON
Bashar al-Assad
PERSON
George W. Bush
PERSON
Damascus
LOCATION
United States
LOCATION
Cairo
LOCATION
Hosni Mubarak
PERSON
Tehran
LOCATION
West Bank
LOCATION
Tunisia
LOCATIONthe West Bank
LOCATIONthe Gaza Strip
LOCATIONSuccess of Shahada
ORGANIZATION
Bill Clinton
PERSONSinai
LOCATION
Saddam Hussein
PERSON