Epstein Secrets

policy," said Abdelrahim Abdullah Abdelrahim, 44, an import-export businessman built like a bouncer. "These Islamists want to march on Al Quds" -- Jerusalem -- "and wage war. It's not the time for this." He went on to mock the Salafi legislator who tried to sound the call to prayer in parliament, and h

r goal of "exporting the Islamic revolution" would not succeed. No doubt that Arafat's close ties with Saddam Hussein, a nemesis of both Assad and Khomeini, and his concession to recognize Israel also widened the chasm between the PLO and the Islamic Republic. From Assad's standpoint, Arafat's relation

able. First it was justified, from an American point of view, by the Karine A scandal: A boat full of weapons was intercepted by Israeli forces, and Jerusalem said the cargo, coming from Iran, was destined for the Palestinian authorities. The only problem with this version was that it did not take into ac

groups that would help project Iranian influence wherever it is in Tehran's interest? Besides, after the Iraq-Iran war (1980-1988) and the death of Khomeini, Iran moved towards what has been called the 'second Republic'. From that time, the Iranians understood their political and military limits, and fo

table, even though the outcome affects its own vital interests, particularly where the borders, the question of refugees, and the final status of Jerusalem are concerned. The regime's sensitivity to the confederation debate in Israel only reflects the questions it faces domestically: Can Jordan secure

broke out in 1999 was crushed without mercy. Recalling Khatami Khatami was either a man powerless to defend the movement or a faithful son of the Khomeini order who was given leeway by the regime's powers that be. He couldn't defy the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, or run afoul of the Islamic

policy," said Abdelrahim Abdullah Abdelrahim, 44, an import-export businessman built like a bouncer. "These Islamists want to march on Al Quds" -- Jerusalem -- "and wage war. It's not the time for this." He went on to mock the Salafi legislator who tried to sound the call to prayer in parliament, and h

r goal of "exporting the Islamic revolution" would not succeed. No doubt that Arafat's close ties with Saddam Hussein, a nemesis of both Assad and Khomeini, and his concession to recognize Israel also widened the chasm between the PLO and the Islamic Republic. From Assad's standpoint, Arafat's relatio

srael continues to send more settlers to the occupied West Bank and denies Palestinians access to most of our land and holy places, particularly in Jerusalem. Neither political pressure nor promises of rewards by the United States have stopped Israel's settlement program. Negotiations remain our first op

egan to dawn on foreign observers and commentators. Some had their misgivings from the beginning, remembering Foucault's misguided enthusiasm about Khomeini and the Iranian revolution. But, they argued, Cairo was not Tehran—which is indeed undeniable. Articles began to appear arguing that revolutions ar

ng an Oxford companion to the Arab-Israeli conflict was first presented to me in 2005 by Markus Bouillon, who served for me both in my UN capacity in Jerusalem and at the International Peace Institute (IPI) in New York. Nur Laiq laboriously and faithfully collected most of the relevant documents and contrib-

leaves Iran after months of domestic turmoil. 26 March 1979 Signature of the Egypt-Israel Peace Treaty in the White House. 1 April 1979 Ayatollah Khomeini proclaims the Islamic Republic of Iran after a national referendum. 2 April 1979 Prime Minister Begin visits Cairo. February 1980 Israel and Egypt