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issident band of generals who were working to torpedo the Oslo agreements. He compared this to the OAS, the military cabal in France that had opposed De Gaulle. I could only laugh. I told him I’d actually spent two months with OAS men years earlier, in Mont Louis, but that Israel was different. Even at times
Amir Drori, the head of the northern command. They had set up a rooftop observation post just a few hundred yards in from where I had landed with my Sayeret Matkal team a decade earlier for the Rue Verdun operation. It overlooked a pair of Palestinian refugee camps: Sabra and, a couple of hundred yards closer to
tment to the values of an open, tolerant democracy. But in at least one important way, I approached my new role as if it was one of our operations in Sayeret Matkal, or the need to reshape our armed forces when I was chief-of-staff. My first priority was to put in place the practical foundations for a successful
ion about our enemies, and make sure it got to the commanders and field units that needed it. And while the details of many operations I approved for Sayeret Matkal and other units remain classified, we did succeed in doing that — to take just one example, by finding an entirely new way to get intelligence from i
issident band of generals who were working to torpedo the Oslo agreements. He compared this to the OAS, the military cabal in France that had opposed De Gaulle. I could only laugh. I told him I'd actually spent two months with OAS men years earlier, in Mont Louis, but that Israel was different. Even at times
Amir Drori, the head of the northern command. They had set up a rooftop observation post just a few hundred yards in from where I had landed with my Sayeret Matkal team a decade earlier for the Rue Verdun operation. It overlooked a pair of Palestinian refugee camps: Sabra and, a couple of hundred yards closer to
tment to the values of an open, tolerant democracy. But in at least one important way, I approached my new role as if it was one of our operations in Sayeret Matkal, or the need to reshape our armed forces when I was chief-of-staff. My first priority was to put in place the practical foundations for a successful
ion about our enemies, and make sure it got to the commanders and field units that needed it. And while the details of many operations I approved for Sayeret Matkal and other units remain classified, we did succeed in doing that - to take just one example, by finding an entirely new way to get intelligence from i
in Mont Louis, the Demi-brigade was dismantled, when several of its top officers were found to be involved in an assassination plot against President De Gaulle. 74 HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011545 After my return in June 1963, Avraham asked me to share my experiences with the other sayeret officers. I began with the
awn in Private Benjamin. The main misunderstanding, however, went deeper. The assumption appeared to be that my military achievements, especially in Sayeret Matkal, were down to a mix of brute force and raw courage. Courage, of course, was a requirement: the willingness to take risks, if the rewards for success,
in Mont Louis, the Demi-brigade was dismantled, when several of its top officers were found to be involved in an assassination plot against President De Gaulle. 74 HOUSE _OVERSIGHT_027922 After my return in June 1963, Avraham asked me to share my experiences with the other sayeret officers. I began with the
awn in Private Benjamin. The main misunderstanding, however, went deeper. The assumption appeared to be that my military achievements, especially in Sayeret Matkal, were down to a mix of brute force and raw courage. Courage, of course, was a requirement: the willingness to take risks, if the rewards for success,
Entities connected to both De Gaulle and Sayeret Matkal

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Jerusalem
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Lebanon
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Yasser Arafat
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Knesset
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Ehud Barak
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Shimon Peres
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Benjamin Netanyahu
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Likud
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Haifa
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Fatah
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Bibi Netanyahu
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Damascus
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Mossad
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the Jordan River
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Bashar al-Assad
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