Epstein Secrets

rian monarchy that was imposed on them by the British. That the Arabs of eastern Palestine don't live under democratic rule is the fault of neither David Ben-Gurion nor Netanyahu. It is a result of a deeply ingrained, political and social structure that, across the huge swath of land from Morocco to Iraq, has b

, 1948, the morrow of Jewish independence. And the Palestinians? Some few of them joined up with the certified Nazi, Haj Amin al-Husseini who, from Cairo, called for resistance. Most of the fighters (and they weren't legion) teamed up with Egypt, Jordan, and Syria, which had their own categorical ter

Jews and Arabs to accept their fates, and it still might not have worked." More surprisingly, Judis won't even condemn the post-war Zionist leader David Ben-Gurion for being as resistant as he was to compromise. He was, after all, still leading the Zionist movement in the shadow of the Holocaust. While the Naz

tant aspects of a functioning democratic system. Faith in democracy flares up in moments of triumph, such as the overthrow of unpopular regimes in Cairo or Kiev, only to sputter out once again. EFTA00684344 Outside the West, democracy often advances only to collapse. And within the West, democracy

ging through the rubble." -- Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu became Israel's longest-serving leader over the weekend, eclipsing Israeli founder David Ben-Gurion. (Loveday Morris and Ruth Eglash) -- Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is set to become the nation's longest-serving leader after elections for

ish-flagged Stena Impero tanker to divert course toward Iran. (Liz Sly and William Booth) -- British Airways and Lufthansa canceled all flights to Cairo over unspecified security concerns. The British government warned of a "heightened risk of terrorism against aviation." (BBC) -- Ukrainian Preside

on our doorstep. Keeping that strength, developing it and modernizng it, are obviously critically important. But as Israel’s founding Prime Minister, David Ben-Gurion, used to say, the success of Zionism, and of the Israeli state, required two things: strength and “righteousness.” He didn’t mean the word in purely

tives at his disposal, was utterly blindsided, and very soon toppled and imprisoned, by an uprising that began with a sudden show of popular anger in Cairo’s Tahrir Square. Internally as well, Israel faces dangers. Chief among them is the alarming erosion of the standards of civil discourse, amid the in

the first sign that June 27, 1976 would be any different came shortly after noon. It was an urgent message from Lod Airport, now renamed in honor of David Ben-Gurion, who passed away after the 1973 war. Radio contact had been lost with Air France Flight 139 from Tel Aviv to Paris, shortly after a stopover in Athen

s mission so far: targeting the main communications system between Suez City, at the southern end of the canal, and Egyptian military headquarters in Cairo. We were obviously going to have to go in by helicopter. But we faced not just the risk of being spotted on the way in. The buildup of Egyptian force

on our doorstep. Keeping that strength, developing it and modernizng it, are obviously critically important. But as Israel’s founding Prime Minister, David Ben-Gurion, used to say, the success of Zionism, and of the Israeli state, required two things: strength and “righteousness.” He didn’t mean the word in purely

tives at his disposal, was utterly blindsided, and very soon toppled and imprisoned, by an uprising that began with a sudden show of popular anger in Cairo’s Tahrir Square. Internally as well, Israel faces dangers. Chief among them is the alarming erosion of the standards of civil discourse, amid the in

the first sign that June 27, 1976 would be any different came shortly after noon. It was an urgent message from Lod Airport, now renamed in honor of David Ben-Gurion, who passed away after the 1973 war. Radio contact had been lost with Air France Flight 139 from Tel Aviv to Paris, shortly after a stopover in Athen

s mission so far: targeting the main communications system between Suez City, at the southern end of the canal, and Egyptian military headquarters in Cairo. We were obviously going to have to go in by helicopter. But we faced not just the risk of being spotted on the way in. The buildup of Egyptian force

ground. Sometimes the great powers applauded; sometimes they EFTA00586643 12 condemned, but acre by acre, Jews seized control of their fate. As David Ben-Gurion liked to say, "Our future does not depend on what gentiles say but on what Jews do." The Arabs reacted with fury, occasional violence, and in Pales

WHEN THESE LEADERS fell, the Western media joyously proclaimed the end of an era. When the demonstrations began in late January in Tahrir Square in Cairo, exhilaration grew by the hour not only among the participants but also among the journalists who had hastened to Egypt from all parts of the globe

rian monarchy that was imposed on them by the British. That the Arabs of eastern Palestine don't live under democratic rule is the fault of neither David Ben-Gurion nor Netanyahu. It is a result of a deeply ingrained, political and social structure that, across the huge swath of land from Morocco to Iraq, has b

, 1948, the morrow of Jewish independence. And the Palestinians? Some few of them joined up with the certified Nazi, Haj Amin al-Husseini who, from Cairo, called for resistance. Most of the fighters (and they weren't legion) teamed up with Egypt, Jordan, and Syria, which had their own categorical ter

long with Gaza, in the 1967 Arab-Israeli war. Palestinians view them as the key territorial elements of their future state. In a June 2009 address in Cairo, a speech that asked for a "new beginning" with the Islamic world, Obama said: "The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli

the cabinet table, I asked Peres what he had to say to the "single child." His aides sniggered, but Peres didn't bat an eyelid: "Just what my mentor, David Ben-Gurion (Israel's first Prime Minister) told me: when the security of Israel is laid on one side of the scales, and everything else on the other side, securi