Epstein Secrets

at even if Israel withdrew to the 1967 lines, all Hamas would offer in return is a long-term truce. But that's not essential now either. After all, Benjamin Netanyahu's Likud Party officially opposes the two-state solution too. Israel and America really need three things from Hamas right now. First, a ceasefire. W

sentially banned. And as part of such a deal, Egypt would likely open its border with Gaza, which would ease Hamas's isolation from the world. The Netanyahu government opposes a Palestinian unity deal and negotiations with Hamas. But some former top Israeli security officials disagree. And while it woul

ons and the Israelis. This was confirmed by Egypt's president on Saturday. With the approach of the Israeli elections, the Israeli prime minister, Binyamin Netanyahu, wanted to trade with the blood of the Palestinians, especially after his alliance with the ultra- extremist Avigdor Lieberman failed to boost his p

messages, dispatching officials and withdrawing ambassadors were the weapons that Mubarak used to show solidarity with the Palestinians. What will Mursi's tactics be to stop the Israeli aggression? We always say that when an opposition movement is on the street it is more vocal and outspoken than th

been even slower to retreat. His verbal offensive was reported last Tuesday in the daily Ha'aretz. By the next day, Kerry had called Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to complain, and a "senior official" in Washington had told the Israeli media that Ya'alon was "undermining" the U.S.-Israel relationship. At the S

ies can't solve all problems. EFTA00662931 Ya'alon never learned to think outside the box of the war room. Besides that, Ya'alon wants to succeed Netanyahu as leader of the Likud Party and as prime minister. To appeal to the party's base, he is playing on two classic themes of the Israeli right: First,

tion of the Renaissance Dam. Ethiopia took the decision—which will have a negative impact on Egypt's share of the water from the Nile— one day after Mursi returned to Cairo from a state visit to Addis Ababa, a move the Egyptians considered as a blow to the Islamist president. Ethiopians seem to have s

regime managed to survive. There have been four subsequent attempts by Israeli prime ministers -- one=by Ehud Barak, one by Ehud Olmert, and two by Benjamin Netanyahu -- to for=e a peace with Syria. This shared history with the As=ad regime is relevant when considering Israel's strategy toward the ongo=ng civil w

China. Prospects for U.S. brokerage of Israeli/Palestinian peace are bleaker than they've been in a long time.=President Obama's relationship with Netanyahu, to put it mildly, is not wa=m, and the continued split between Fatah and Hamas complicates matters fur=her. The administration has also publicly si

largest agricultural exporters, whereas today it is o=e of the largest importers of wheat. For this reason, it is no surprise that we find President Mursi requesting tha= his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin—at the height of Russian militar= aid to the Bashar al-Assad regime in Syria—grant Egypt pre

Rcmnick September 3, 2012 -- Earlier this month, the liberal Israeli novelist David Grossman published an op-ed in Haaretz decrying Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's fevered declarations that he might soon order a unilateral strike on Iran and its nuclear facilities. Since early last year, Israelis have witnesse

uclear facilities. Since early last year, Israelis have witnessed a dissidence of a variety almost unknown since the founding of the state. Even as Netanyahu and his Defense Minister, Ehud EFTA00713352 Barak, routinely speak of an imminent "existential threat" from Teheran, comparable to that of the Na

ld be the antithesis: passive, obedient and in need of protection as "good" wives, sisters and mothers. The second scenario is an Islamist regime: Mursi negotiates with SCAF a transition to civilian rule; Islamists continue to dominate a restored parliament; and the new Constitution establishes a th