tion of the Renaissance Dam. Ethiopia took the decision—which will have a negative impact on Egypt's share of the water from the Nile— one day after Mursi returned to Cairo from a state visit to Addis Ababa, a move the Egyptians considered as a blow to the Islamist president. Ethiopians seem to have s

n this context made it easier for terrorist groups in Gaza to coordinate with and join their counterparts in Sinai in order to carry out the attack. Mursi was simultaneously criticised for his decision to grant amnesties to prisoners who had been found guilty of involvement in terrorist attacks that ha

ld be the antithesis: passive, obedient and in need of protection as "good" wives, sisters and mothers. The second scenario is an Islamist regime: Mursi negotiates with SCAF a transition to civilian rule; Islamists continue to dominate a restored parliament; and the new Constitution establishes a th

largest agricultural exporters, whereas today it is o=e of the largest importers of wheat. For this reason, it is no surprise that we find President Mursi requesting tha= his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin—at the height of Russian militar= aid to the Bashar al-Assad regime in Syria—grant Egypt pre

messages, dispatching officials and withdrawing ambassadors were the weapons that Mubarak used to show solidarity with the Palestinians. What will Mursi's tactics be to stop the Israeli aggression? We always say that when an opposition movement is on the street it is more vocal and outspoken than th

by Hisham Mursi, an Egyptian paediatrician and British national living in Doha. News reports identify him as the son-in-law of Mr Al Qaradawi. Mr Mursi has been active in Egypt's revolution from the very beginning. When he was arrested in the early days of the protests, Muslim Brotherhood websites