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e in violation of the cease-fire arranged by the UN. We used a simple ruse for putting the blame on the enemy. The same technique was later used by Ariel Sharon to break the armistice on the Syrian front and provoke incidents there, in order to annex the so- EFTA00718140 called "demilitarized zones". Still
ry day. It was intolerable." After six days of war, a cease-fire was agreed. However, at that time our troops had not yet succeeded in surrounding Beirut. So Sharon broke the cease-fire to cut the vital Beirut-Damascus highway. The present crisis in the "peace process" was caused by the Israeli gove
s gentle demeanor contrasted with the implacable, bulldozer style of other members of the founding generation, from Yitzhak Rabin and Golda Meir to Ariel Sharon and Menachem Begin. Peres sometimes seemed the bridesmaid at the Israeli political wedding, never quite achieving the status of some of his contemp
thwarted two attacks aimed at the group. On June 20, a suicide bomber detonated his payload at a checkpoint in Dahr al-Baidar, on the road between Beirut and Damascus, killing a 49-year-old Internal Security Forces officer and wounding 32 others, making it the first suicide bomb to hit Lebanon in twe
ther the radioactive poison was in his system. If that is the case, all fingers are pointing at two potential culprits; then Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon and Mohammad Dahlan, the former chief of Preventive Security in the Palestinian National Authority (PNA). Let us round up the usual suspects in Ara
uspects in Arafat's death. One obviously is Sharon, who often lamented publicly that he did not eliminate Arafat when he had the chance to do so in Beirut in 1982. In early 2004, he talked about Arafat having "no insurance policy". The Israelis have done it before, notably in 1997 when they almost kil
ther the radioactive poison was in his system. If that is the case, all fingers are pointing at two potential culprits; then Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon and Mohammad Dahlan, the former chief of Preventive Security in the Palestinian National Authority (PNA). Let us round up the usual suspects in Ar
uspects in Arafat's death. One obviously is Sharon, who often lamented publicly that he did not eliminate Arafat when he had the chance to do so in Beirut in 1982. In early 2004, he talked about Arafat having "no insurance policy". The Israelis have done it before, notably in 1997 when EFTA_R1_022097
GHT_011477 A decade later, the idea would suddenly resurface. In my first meeting, as a newly promoted Major General, with our then Defence Minister Ariel Sharon, Sharon turned to me and the army’s Chief of Staff, Rafael Eitan, and said: “Tell me. Why the hell is Arafat still alive?” He looked first at Raful,
ted plan — a raid by helicopter into a Fatah-dominated area in southeastern Lebanon, during one of Arafat’s intermittent, morale-boosting visits from Beirut — to assassinate him. My immediate superior, the army’s head of operations, was all for our doing it. But the chief of military intelligence said no.
rs in the cabinet: Shamir, who was about to take his turn as Prime Minister in October 1986; Misha, now a minister without portfolio; and most of all Arik Sharon. In an astonishing demonstration of resilience and determination, not only had Arik remained as a minister without portfolio when Shamir succeeded Me
d itself in a fierce firefight with the Syrians, and lost eleven men. We were now just three hours from the cease-fire. We did advance nearer to the Beirut-Damascus road. An hour before noon, our dedicated anti-tank unit destroyed 20 of Assad’s top-tier tanks, Soviet-made T-72s. Under different circumsta
GHT_027854 A decade later, the idea would suddenly resurface. In my first meeting, as a newly promoted Major General, with our then Defence Minister Ariel Sharon, Sharon turned to me and the army’s Chief of Staff, Rafael Eitan, and said: “Tell me. Why the hell is Arafat still alive?” He looked first at Raful,
ted plan — a raid by helicopter into a Fatah-dominated area in southeastern Lebanon, during one of Arafat’s intermittent, morale-boosting visits from Beirut — to assassinate him. My immediate superior, the army’s head of operations, was all for our doing it. But the chief of military intelligence said no.
rs in the cabinet: Shamir, who was about to take his turn as Prime Minister in October 1986; Misha, now a minister without portfolio; and most of all Arik Sharon. In an astonishing demonstration of resilience and determination, not only had Arik remained as a minister without portfolio when Shamir succeeded Me
nd itself in a fierce firefight with the Syrians, and lost eleven men. We were now just three hours from the cease-fire. We did advance nearer to the Beirut-Damascus road. An hour before noon, our dedicated anti-tank unit destroyed 20 of Assad's top-tier tanks, Soviet-made T-72s. Under different circumsta
11-25 July 2000 Camp David II negotiations between Ehud Barak and Yasir Arafat. 25 July 2000 Camp David Statement. 28 September 2000 Likud leader Ariel Sharon’s visit to the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif, prompting major Palestinian riots. Second Palestinian uprising (al-Aqsa Intifadah) begins. 7 October 20
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023156 →graphic Definition of the Shebaa Farms Area. 27 November 2007 Annapolis Joint Understanding. 7 May 2008 Hezbollah militants take control of areas of Beirut. 21 May 2008 Doha agreement between Lebanese leaders brokered by Qatar. 21 May 2008 Israel and Syria announce holding indirect talks through Turkis
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023159 →Entities connected to both Ariel Sharon and Beirut

Lebanon
LOCATION
Jeffrey Epstein
PERSON
Barack Obama
PERSON
Benjamin Netanyahu
PERSON
United States
LOCATION
George W. Bush
PERSON
Bashar al-Assad
PERSON
Damascus
LOCATION
Bill Clinton
PERSON
Jerusalem
LOCATION
Tehran
LOCATION
Cairo
LOCATION
Hosni Mubarak
PERSON
Mahmoud Abbas
PERSON
Vladimir Putin
PERSON
Terje Rod-Larsen
PERSON
Marc Rich
PERSON
Middle East
LOCATION
Fatah
ORGANIZATION
West Bank
LOCATION