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s series of air attacks, on August 12, when the deal was basically done, seemed both perverse and excessive, and not just to me. Habib, and President Reagan himself, fumed. So did a lot of Begin’s own ministers, with the result, unprecedented in Israeli military annals, that they formally removed Arik’s a
rse and excessive, and not just to me. Habib, and President Reagan himself, fumed. So did a lot of Begin’s own minis
was there as an observer along with Amnon Lipkin, my deputy chief-of- staff; as well as the head of military intelligence, the head of operations and Amiram Levin. We assembled at dawn for the simulation of the missile attack. We watched from a few hundred yards away as a group of young Israeli soldiers walked
iming it was for “defensive purposes.” The idea for an attack on Saddam had first been raised a year earlier, when my former Sayeret Matkal comrade, Amiram Levin, asked to see me. He was between military postings, but had come up with the outline of a plan he felt would allow us to isolate Saddam during a publ
s series of air attacks, on August 12, when the deal was basically done, seemed both perverse and excessive, and not just to me. Habib, and President Reagan himself, fumed. So did a lot of Begin's own ministers, with the result, unprecedented in Israeli military annals, that they formally removed Arik's a
rse and excessive, and not just to me. Habib, and President Reagan himself, fumed. So did a lot of Begin's own minis
was there as an observer along with Amnon Lipkin, my deputy chief-of- staff; as well as the head of military intelligence, the head of operations and Amiram Levin. We assembled at dawn for the simulation of the missile attack. We watched from a few hundred yards away as a group of young Israeli soldiers walked
aiming it was for "defensive purposes." The idea for an attack on Saddam had first been raised a year earlier, when my former Sayeret Matkal comrade, Amiram Levin, asked to see me. He was between military postings, but had come up with the outline of a plan he felt would allow us to isolate Saddam during a publ
ut in the summer of 1981, new US President Ronald Reagan's Mideast envoy, Undersecretary of State Philip H
ebanese Muslim forces, some 30,000 Syrian troops had been brought in as the core of a peacekeeping force. But in the summer of 1981, new US President Ronald Reagan's Mideast envoy, Undersecretary of State Philip Habib, had 193 HOUSE _OVERSIGHT_028041 brokered a cease-fire to halt Palestinian Katyusha rocket fire
was incredibly fortunate on that score. Some, I already knew well from my time as Digli's deputy. Smart, self-confident, self-starting officers like Amiram Levin, the stocky kibbutznik from the north with whom I'd worked most closely and most often as deputy. Avshalom Horan - Avsha - who'd convinced me to risk
ebanese Muslim forces, some 30,000 Syrian troops had been brought in as the core of a peacekeeping force. But in the summer of 1981, new US President Ronald Reagan’s Mideast envoy, Undersecretary of State Philip Habib, had 193 HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011664 brokered a cease-fire to halt Palestinian Katyusha rocket fire
ut in the summer of 1981, new US President Ronald Reagan’s Mideast envoy, Undersecretary of State Philip H
was incredibly fortunate on that score. Some, I already knew well from my time as Digli’s deputy. Smart, self-confident, se/f-starting officers like Amiram Levin, the stocky kibbutznik from the north with whom I’d worked most closely and most often as deputy. Avshalom Horan — Avsha — who’d convinced me to risk
Entities connected to both Ronald Reagan and Amiram Levin

George W. Bush
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Bill Clinton
PERSONLeon Black
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United States
LOCATION
John F. Kennedy
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Virginia Giuffre
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Michael Cohen
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Stephen Hawking
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Benjamin Netanyahu
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Condoleezza Rice
PERSONDoug Band
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James Baker
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Saddam Hussein
PERSONCourtney Wild
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Bashar al-Assad
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Dick Cheney
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Jerusalem
LOCATION
Lebanon
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Seattle
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Wilbur Ross
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