Epstein Secrets

ongress or even to persons in the executive branch and then to the press. HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019914 One of Kushner’s now-frequent wise-men callers was Henry Kissinger. Kissinger, who had been a front-row witness when the bureaucracy and intelligence community revolted against Richard Nixon, outlined the kinds of mi

o persons in the executive branch and then to the press. HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019914 One of Kushner’s now-frequent wise-men callers was Henry Kissinger. Kissinger, who had been a front-row witness when the bureaucracy and intelligence community revolted against Richard Nixon, outlined the kinds of mischief, and

k as soon as they could raise other money. (Steve Mnuchin, then the campaign’s finance chairman, came to co

han likely.” In the end, the best Trump would do is loan the campaign $10 million, provided he got it back as soon as they could raise other money. (Steve Mnuchin, then the campaign’s finance chairman, came to collect the loan with the wire instructions ready to go, so Trump couldn’t conveniently forget to send

g Jewish, saddling him with an impossible hurdle for being Jewish—and, too, defaulting to the stereotyping belief in the negotiating powers of Jews. “Henry Kissinger says Jared is going to be the new Henry Kissinger,” Trump said more than once, rather a combined compliment and slur. Bannon, meanwhile, did not hes

houses—and keep us out of it); Flynn’s anti-Iranism (of all the world’s perfidy and toxicity, there is none like that of the mullahs); and Kushner’s Kissingerism (not so much Kissingerism as, having no point of view himself, a dutiful attempt to follow the ninety-four-year-old’s advice). But the fundamental p

alism, and that is Wilbur Ross at Commerce, Steve Mnuchin at Treasury, [Robert] Lighthizer at Trade, Peter

ence, defense department, homeland security. The second line of work is what I refer to as economic nationalism, and that is Wilbur Ross at Commerce, Steve Mnuchin at Treasury, [Robert] Lighthizer at Trade, Peter Navarro, [and] Stephen Miller, who are rethinking how we are going to reconstruct our trade arrangem

s." Obama may resist the idealism of a previous generation of interventionists, but his realism, if that's what it is, diverges from the realism of Henry Kissinger or Brent Scowcroft. "It comes from the idea that change is organic and change comes to countries in its own way, modernization comes in its own way

s what it is, diverges from the realism of Henry Kissinger or Brent Scowcroft. "It comes from the idea that

ently that Obama's distance from members of Congress has hurt his ability to pass legislation. "When you don't build those personal relationships," Manchin told CNN, "it's pretty easy for a person to say, `Well, let me think about it.' " Harry Truman once called the White House "the great white jail,"

emical attack, 183-84, 188-93 Kim Jong-un, 293 King, Martin Luther, Jr., 50-51 Kirk, Russell, 127 Kislyak, Sergey, 95, 106, 151, 154-55, 218, 236 Kissinger, Henry, 41, 77, 142, 145, 193, 226-28 Koch brothers, 178 Kudlow, Larry, 143, 207 Ku Klux Klan (KKK), 294-95 Kurtz, Howard, 217 Kushner, Charlie,

lating news conference, all eyes were suddenly on Kelly—this was his baptism of Trump fire. Spicer, Priebus, Cohn, Powell, Bannon, Tillerson, Mattis, Mnuchin—virtually the entire senior staff and cabinet of the Trump presidency, past and present, had traveled through the stages of adventure, challenge, fru

dent if not serene in his unquestioned certitudes. There was now a fair amount of back-of-the-classroom giggling about who had called Trump what. For Steve Mnuchin and Reince Priebus, he was an “idiot.” For Gary Cohn, he was “dumb as shit.” For H. R. McMaster he was a “dope.” The list went on. Tillerson would m