Epstein Secrets

0719574 the appeal of internationalizing the conflict mean there are few political incentives for flexibility toward Israel. Divisions between the Fatah and Hamas factions complicate matters: Their recent agreement is paper-thin and highlights that, for now, Palestinians are focused more on immediat

himon Peres, both of whom are in Washington this week for meetings with President Obama. Netanyahu is an unwavering skeptic with a deep devotion to Greater Israel, Peres a relentlessly optimistic peacenik. Yet for much of the past three years, Netanyahu had no bigger booster than Peres, who repeatedly vouche

new EFTA00662862 Palestinian state's precise borders but the kind of state it would be — a terrorist regime like Hamas, an aging kleptocracy like Fatah or a truly representative Palestinian government. Until the third alternative becomes possible, Israel cannot safely settle with a "Palestine" that

. However cordial his personal relations with Netanyahu, Kerry must have known that he never had a chance to persuade this government to give up on Greater Israel any more than his boss had the chance to win the House over to a steep increase in income taxes. Settlement construction is not just an obstacle to

od. Sooner or later, the plan cou=d be revived, coupled with an Israeli military presence in the Jordan Vall=y to minimize risks of a Gazan repeat. Fatah and the Ramallah-based Palestinian Authority have a long-term object=ve that differs markedly from Israel's: a state enjoying full sovereign =ights

.thedailybeast.com/articles/2012/02/26/obama-won-t-bac=-an-israeli-strike-on-iran.html> . Netanyahu is an unwavering skeptic with a deep devotio= to Greater Israel, Peres a relentlessly optimistic peacenik. Yet for much=of the past three years, Netanyahu had no bigger booster than Peres, who r=peatedly vouched