Epstein Secrets

ip that sailed from Syria was intended for use against its citizens was dismissed as lies by Iran. At a dockside display of the arms in the port of Ashdod on Wednesday conducted personally by Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, he told local and foreign journalists that the weapons-trove dispro

d Mahmoud 'Abbas is accepting an invitation from his Hamas counterpart to visit the Gaza Strip to break the impasse over reconciliation between the Fatah and Hamas factions. Ismail Haniyyeh, who led Hamas' forced takeover of Gaza in 2007, issued the invitation on Tuesday after rallies were held in b

ull arsenal that is far more advanced in terms of range and destructive power. Today, they can reach the outskirts of Tel Aviv, into the cities of Ashdod, Askalan and Beir Sab'e, and can destroy a house and kill three people inside it. Today, Palestinian groups can dip into Libya's military arsenal t

ders himself the holder of a diplomatic passport. You have a password that opens all doors." Jonathan Schanzer, author of the 2008 book "Hamas vs. Fatah: The Struggle for Palestine," said Qassam has had four distinct phases. The first was a single-minded focus on suicide bombings, until Yahya Ayyas

ecurity crises we faced after Shamir became Prime Minister was known as the Kav 300 affair, named for the bus route between the southern port city of Ashdod and Tel Aviv. On the evening of April 12, 1984, four Palestinians from Gaza boarded the bus and hijacked it back toward the border with Egypt. They t

n closer friend of mine: Dan Shomron. I had first got to know Dan well in the late sixties after Karameh, Israel’s costly standoff with Arafat, when Fatah’s influence was in its infancy. We exchanged impressions on what had gone wrong, and why? When I became commander of Sayeret Matkal, we remained in t

t Israel’s state electric company had been transporting a huge steam- condensation machine from the manufacturing site near Haifa to a power plant in Ashdod. The unit was the size of a small apartment. It weighed 100 tons. It couldn’t be driven across the country without bringing weekday traffic to a stan

unrest on the day of Arik’s visit. We would later learn this was a deliberate campaign, waged with guns and grenades, by Hamas and Islamic Jihad, the Fatah offshoot Tanzim, and Arafat’s own police force. The media had changed, too, in the 13 years since the first intifada, with the rise of twenty-four-s

ecurity crises we faced after Shamir became Prime Minister was known as the Kav 300 affair, named for the bus route between the southern port city of Ashdod and Tel Aviv. On the evening of April 12, 1984, four Palestinians from Gaza boarded the bus and hijacked it back toward the border with Egypt. They t

en closer friend of mine: Dan Shomron. I had first got to know Dan well in the late sixties after Karameh, Israel's costly standoff with Arafat, when Fatah's influence was in its infancy. We exchanged impressions on what had gone wrong, and why? When I became commander of Sayeret Matkal, we remained in t

t Israel's state electric company had been transporting a huge steam- condensation machine from the manufacturing site near Haifa to a power plant in Ashdod. The unit was the size of a small apartment. It weighed 100 tons. It couldn't be driven across the country without bringing weekday traffic to a stan

unrest on the day of Arik's visit. We would later learn this was a deliberate campaign, waged with guns and grenades, by Hamas and Islamic Jihad, the Fatah offshoot Tanzim, and Arafat's own police force. The media had changed, too, in the 13 years since the first intifada, with the rise of twenty-four-se

sing apartment blocks -- the future he was in the process of building -- stretched out in front of him. "On a good, clear day, you can see Tel Aviv, Ashdod, and Ashkelon," he told me. "One-third of Palestine and Israel." Rawabi is in the second-largest, yet most sparsely- populated Area A in the West Ban

e Rawabi paradigm: It's also funding two-thirds of the project, to the tune of over $600 million. This is enough money to single-handedly finance the Fatah-dominated Palestinian Authority -- which is effectively broke, thanks to penalties imposed by the Israeli and U.S. governments after Mahmoud Abbas's

ising apartment blocks -- the future he was in the process of building -- stretched out in front of him. "On a good, clear day, you can see Tel Aviv, Ashdod, and Ashkelon," he told me. "One-third of Palestine and Israel." Rawabi is in the second-largest, yet most sparsely- populated Area A in the West Ban

e Rawabi paradigm: It's also funding two-thirds of the project, to the tune of over $600 million. This 1s enough money to single-handedly finance the Fatah-dominated Palestinian Authority - which is effectively broke, thanks to penalties imposed by the Israeli and U.S. governments after Mahmoud Abbas's s