Epstein Secrets

out of control. Amal's siege of Palestinian refugee camps during the War of the Camps demonstrates a historical precedent in this regard. The 1982 Sabra and Shatila massacre, in which a Lebanese Christian militia conducted the wholesale slaughter of innocent Palestinians in the Sabra neighborhood an

n the Nobel Prize and leave us in quiet," Ya'alon said. ("Quiet," it seems, is how Ya'alon foresees the consequences of permanent Israeli rule over the West Bank.) Ya'alon didn't deny the comments. It took him a day, and a press statement from State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki labeling his words "offens

Civilians "llamas" Rap THIS WEEK IN JEWISH HISTORY Israel and Egypt Agree on Framework for Peace (1978) Phalangists Massacre 700 Lebanese at Sabra and Shatila (1982) Nazi Hunter Simon Wiesenthal Dies at Age 96 (2005) See More Jewish History Events AICE PROJECTS September 18, 2014 Myth

ut using international troops to prevent a future flare-up. Similarly, peace negotiators have raised the idea of posting an international force in the West Bank perhaps in the Jordan Valley as a way of meeting Israel's security concerns. L„:, Myths & Facts: 2012 Naturally, given its history as peacekeepe

ests and its own aggressive projects. In Yediot Aharonot on 3 December 1974, Ariel Sharon (the former Israeli premier and the chief executor of the Sabra and Shatila massacre) wrote: "The Americans regard Israel as the bastion they can rely on to solve the question of Arab oil through military means.

to reduce the EFTA00657281 popularity of the government, much to the benefit of the radicals who hope to replace it. In many other places, from the West Bank and Gaza to Yemen and Tunisia, the protest movements are also more important for what they mean in local politics than about global policy. Radical

from where I had landed with my Sayeret Matkal team a decade earlier for the Rue Verdun operation. It overlooked a pair of Palestinian refugee camps: Sabra and, a couple of hundred yards closer to us, Shatila. Raful was with us as well. So was Moshe Levy, the deputy chief-of-staff, and Uri Saguy, the he

would be in charge of one of Israel’s three regional military commands, and we were based on the edge of Jerusalem, with security responsibility for the West Bank. This was my first direct exposure to the combustible mix of restive Palestinians and the growing number of Jewish settlers. Our main brief was to p

from where I had landed with my Sayeret Matkal team a decade earlier for the Rue Verdun operation. It overlooked a pair of Palestinian refugee camps: Sabra and, a couple of hundred yards closer to us, Shatila. Raful was with us as well. So was Moshe Levy, the deputy chief-of-staff, and Uri Saguy, the hea

would be in charge of one of Israel's three regional military commands, and we were based on the edge of Jerusalem, with security responsibility for the West Bank. This was my first direct exposure to the combustible mix of restive Palestinians and the growing number of Jewish settlers. Our main brief was to pr