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and tires ablaze, and fired at locals indiscriminately. News about Syria was suddenly given top priority on TV networks around the world, trumping Yemen, Libya and Japan. Even the Doha-based al-Jazeera, which has had good relations with the Syrian government for years, could not stay silent and imm
closer to their age than both presidents had been to young Egyptians and Tunisians, and has not been around for too long, as the case with Colonel Muammar Gaddafi in Libya or Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh. Additionally his positions vis-a-vis Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in Gaza, two topics t
uch as Tunisia and Egypt, a form of democracy may in fact develop. But places that are less states than geographical expressions, such as Libya and Yemen, are more likely to produce hybrid regimes. Within such systems - with which history is very familiar - militaries, internal security services, tri
ular joy. Back in Libya, the counterrevolution made its stand, and a despot bereft of mercy declared war against his own people. In the calendar of Muammar el- Qaddafi's republic of fear and terror, Sept. 1 marks the coming to power, in 1969, of the officers and conspirators who upended a feeble but to
olonel Muammer Gaddafi over-ran Benghazi; the US stood by; the Libyan opposition was reduced to sporadic uprisings, quickly crushed. The regimes in Yemen and Syria took note, and put down their own uprisings with greater vigour. The west let brutality and oppression triumph again in the Middle East.
ut it's kind of like, "Mirror, mirror, on the wall, who's the most important Muslim Arab Third World leader of them all?" And the answer is, "You, Muammar." He is really going have a very difficult time seeing people celebrating his going down, in terms of trying to sustain that heroic inner image. E
olonel Muammer Gaddafi over-ran Benghazi; the US stood by; the Libyan opposition was reduced to sporadic uprisings, quickly crushed. The regimes in Yemen and Syria took note, and put down their own uprisings with greater vigour. The west let brutality and oppression triumph again in the Middle East.
ut it's kind of like, "Mirror, mirror, on the wall, who's the most important Muslim Arab Third World leader of them all?" And the answer is, "You, Muammar." He is really going have a very difficult time seeing people celebrating his going down, in terms of trying to sustain that heroic inner image. E
Egyptian military, and by force of arms rather than moral suasion, could reinvigorate activists in violent struggles elsewhere, especially Syria and Yemen. President Ali Abdullah Saleh's Yemen, with its weak state, splintered national army, and strong tribal affiliations, may be the region's closest a
us on Arab Spring's `Hard Road' By DAVID D. KIRKPATRICK TUNIS - Like the flight of Tunisia's dictator or the trial of Egypt's, the capture of Col. Muammar el- Qaddafi on Thursday afternoon captivated the Arab world, giving a renewed sense of power and possibility. But the photographs of his bloody cor
ng a managed transition, where the existing rulers might agree to an orderly handover of power, a scenario that guided U.S. policy most closely in Yemen, where the long-standing president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, handed over power to his vice-president, Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi, in late-2011. For a time,
ged to assume ownership of that process in an inclusive manner and thereby make it self-sustaining. Ditto Libya, where President Obama removed Col. Muammar el- Qaddafi's top-down, iron-fisted regime, but he declined to put U.S. troops on the ground to midwife a new social contract. The result: Libya to
anny of four decades, was stirred to life and conquered its fear after witnessing the upheaval that had earlier overtaken Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen. In Istanbul this month, I encountered the variety, and the normalcy, of this rebellion in extended discussions with prominent figures of the Syri
or military intervention in Libya - William Hague, the Foreign Secretary, said yesterday that a repeat of the Nato action that helped topple Colonel Muammar Gaddafi was unlikely. His comments come amid rising concern that the splintered, disunited opposition may be infiltrated by extremist Sunni and a
ainment, 22 Wynn, Steve, 30 Xi Jinping, 193, 228, 258 Yaffa, Joshua, 154 Yahoo! News, 37 Yanukovych, Viktor, 101 Yates, Sally, 94-96, 98, 104, 214-16 Yemen, 6 Yiannopoulos, Milo, 128-28, 138 Zhukova, Dasha, 80 HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020140 Zucker, Jeff, 92 HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020141 ABOUT THE AUTHOR MICHAEL WO
127-28, 140, 159, 195-97, 205, 217, 223, 237, 272, 284, 298 Franken, Al, 151-52 Freedom Caucus, 161, 171 Fusion GPS, 37, 99 G20 summit, 257 Gaddafi, Muammar, 270 Gamergate, 59 Gawker, 308 Gaza, 6 Gazprom, 101 Geffen, David, 12, 178 General Electric (GE), 88 HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020126 General Motors, 88
uch as Tunisia and Egypt, a form of democracy may in fact develop. But places that are less states than geographical expressions, such as Libya and Yemen, are more likely to produce hybrid regimes. Within such systems - with which history is very familiar - militaries, internal security services, tri
ular joy. Back in Libya, the counterrevolution made its stand, and a despot bereft of mercy declared war against his own people. In the calendar of Muammar el- Qaddafi's republic of fear and terror, Sept. 1 marks the coming to power, in 1969, of the officers and conspirators who upended a feeble but to
Entities connected to both Yemen and Muammar

Jeffrey Epstein
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Barack Obama
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George W. Bush
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United States
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Bashar al-Assad
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Bill Clinton
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Lebanon
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Donald Trump
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Marc Rich
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Tehran
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Cairo
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Hosni Mubarak
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Middle East
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Tunisia
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Bahrain
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Benjamin Netanyahu
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Department of Justice
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Terje Rod-Larsen
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Hillary Clinton
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Saddam Hussein
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