Epstein Secrets

e that Israel could agree too. They have never wanted the "sovereign cage" of a Palestinian state that Israel can contemplate (as Ahmad Khalidi and Saeb Erekat have categorized the generous Barak and Olmert proposals). What they have always wanted is "runaway" statehood and the total delegitimization of Isr

nd of a third Intifada — unless Israel quickly allows the emergence of a "whole Palestine" and ends its "perpetual military occupation" of Judea and Samaria — effectively tell the Palestinians that they should make sure the talks fail, and then Israel's "gonna get it." Kerry laid out the consequences for

oke about negotiations, but left us with nothing to negotiate as he system- atically took nearly every permanent status issue off the table: said Saeb Erekat, the chief Palestin- ian negotiator. "Nor did he accept a Palestinian state. Instead, he announced a series of conditions and qualifications that

red repeatedly to the West Rank, the ter- ritory presumed to com- prise the bulk of a future Palestinian state, by its biblical name of Judea and Samaria, declaring it "the land of our forefathers." Netanyahu made no mention of existing frame- works for negotiations, like the US-backed 2003 peace

6 themselves harbor doubts, having in 2010 suppressed a skeptical assessment by PLO legal advisors of their U.N. strategy. Former lead negotiator Saeb Erakat has since given plenty of hints that they would be happy to abandon their stunt if the United States would only get negotiations started again. Al

f Hebron and bastion of Gush Emunim (the Bloc of the Faithful), which orchestrated the expansionist settlement movement in the West Bank (Judea and Samaria) since the early 1970s. Lior and Yosef had refused to respect a police summons for questioning after they had given a rabbinic stamp of approval to

nian state on the map that Abu Ala’a wouldn’t even look at. Now, they suggested around 90 percent. But when I asked what the Palestinian negotiators, Saeb Erekat and Mohammed Dahlan, had proposed in return, the answer was almost nothing. They had taken notes. They had asked questions. The one Palestinian propo

l terms of peace. They knew it would mean concessions. There would be a Palestinian state. We would give up the great majority of Biblical Judaea and Samaria. While most of the settlers would remain, since they lived in the major blocs, those in more isolated settlements around the West Bank would have to

nian state on the map that Abu Ala'a wouldn't even look at. Now, they suggested around 90 percent. But when I asked what the Palestinian negotiators, Saeb Erekat and Mohammed Dahlan, had proposed in return, the answer was almost nothing. They had taken notes. They had asked questions. The one Palestinian propo

l terms of peace. They knew it would mean concessions. There would be a Palestinian state. We would give up the great majority of Biblical Judaea and Samaria. While most of the settlers would remain, since they lived in the major blocs, those in more isolated settlements around the West Bank would have to

on Institute for Near East Policy. "In some ways, it will be the president traveling to Israel to ask for a new beginning." Article 2. Foreign Policy Saeb Erekat - The Peace Processor An interview by Aaron David Miller February 5, 2013 - Other than Mahmoud Abbas, Saeb Erekat could be the most recognizable Pale

T_029706 --- PAGE BREAK --- These two settlements, which have become flagships of the settlement movement, were the start of Jewish colonization in Samaria, the northern part of the West Bank. The previous year, as a young reporter, I interviewed Peres, after he and his political ally Moshe Dayan had ref

on Institute for Near East Policy. "In some ways, it will be the president traveling to Israel to ask for a new beginning." Article 2. Foreign Policy Saeb Erekat - The Peace Processor An interview by Aaron David Miller February 5, 2013 - Other than Mahmoud Abbas, Saeb Erekat could be the most recognizable Pale

T_029793 --- PAGE BREAK --- These two settlements, which have become flagships of the settlement movement, were the start of Jewish colonization in Samaria, the northern part of the West Bank. The previous year, as a young reporter, I interviewed Peres, after he and his political ally Moshe Dayan had ref