Epstein Secrets

im for a speech in May that accused Moscow of bribing Kyrgyzstan, McFaul tweeted, "Still learning the craft of speaking more diplomatically." 47. Martin Indyk Having spent years in top diplomatic posts during the Clinton administration -- U.S. ambassador to Israel (twice), assistant secretary of state fo

husband, who they think should have only been wed to the Palestinian cause, married her -- a Muslim convert who was born a Palestinian Christian in Jerusalem and raised Catholic -- in 1990. But, more than anything, she has been hated since 1995, when she moved from the Gaza Strip to Paris because she fou

s life." Netanyahu's strategic timidity and general risk aversion -- his boldness is more apparent in words than deeds -- only sweetens the bargain. Martin Indyk, a former U.S. ambassador to Israel, told me that "Bibi's caution makes it possible for Barak to do his own thing" -- an irresistible prospect for

ry aid if necessary. Unconditional Solidarity "A German politician must establish a relationship of mutual trust with Israel, so that criticism of Jerusalem is not misunderstood," says Ruprecht Polenz, a member of Merkel's Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and chair of the Foreign Policy Committee in the

in his office in Jerusalem with an Israeli flag behind him. The rare appearance was arranged by Terje Larsen, the UN under- secretary general, and Martin Indyk, the US administration special's envoy to the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations. Larsen sat on the stage and interviewed Peres, who spoke directly

. Peres appeared before the entire audience by means of a videoconference call that was screened in the auditorium, while sitting in his office in Jerusalem with an Israeli flag behind him. The rare appearance was arranged by Terje Larsen, the UN under- secretary general, and Martin Indyk, the US adminis

ver, there was almost no hope for such an agreement even before the challenge in the streets. Anyway, which seasoned analysts? The one he quotes is Martin Indyk, who almost always believes that tout va bien, but especially when things are going horridly. Well, we don't really know how badly or, for that mat

not be seen as—and would not be—a concession to anyone but the Ba'athists. Who, of course, cannot be trusted on anything. Which is one reason why Jerusalem was not inclined to experiment on a big swath of high ground that had been the source of death and SDNY_GM_00078432 JPM-SDNY-00001559 EFTA_001888

can hope for—even if it requires uncomfortable talk of military intervention. Michael 0 'Hanlon is a senior fellow at Brookings and coauthor with Martin Indyk and Kenneth Lieberthal of Bending History: Barack Obama's Foreign Policy. EFTA00660567

ht call this the Museveni Paradigm. It's one of several arguments I've heard in the past week, as I've shuttled between Tel Aviv and EFTA00660558 Jerusalem, that have convinced me that Israeli national-security officials are considering a pre- emptive strike in the near future. Last week, I argued that

allot box. Netanyahu "reads polls for breakfast and EFTA_R1_00482799 EFTA01990231 he knows the Israeli public is not behind him [on Iran]," says Martin Indyk, a former ambassador to Israel and now director of the Foreign Policy Program at the Brookings Institution in Washington. "If Tel Aviv is under ro

o the idea of disobeying Washington than going to war over Iranian nukes. (Some are deeply troubled by the public bickering between Washington and Jerusalem in recent weeks.) But the sheer scope of resistance at home--by members of the public; the military's senior echelon; and now, apparently, Netanya

ould well hurt Netanyahu in the ballot box. Netanyahu "reads polls for breakfast and he knows the Israeli public is not behind him [on Iran]," says Martin Indyk, a former ambassador to Israel and now director of the Foreign Policy Program at the Brookings Institution in Washington. "If Tel Aviv is under roc

to the idea of disobeying Washington than going to war over Iranian nukes. (Some are deeply troubled by the public bickering between Washington and Jerusalem in recent weeks.) But the sheer scope of resistance at home--by members of the public; the military's senior echelon; and now, apparently, Netanyah

ext morning. Clinton began by meeting Arafat, as I went through the Americans’ strategy for the negotiations with Madeleine Albright, Dennis Ross and Martin Indyk. Then I met the President in his cabin, which was called Aspen. He told me that while Arafat still thought I was trying to “trick him” into an agreem

an assurance of confidentiality through Ne’eman. The first of about a half-dozen meetings came a few days later at the Prime Minister’s residence in Jerusalem. Then, we shifted venue, meeting at a Mossad-owned villa north of Tel Aviv. I brought along Bougie Herzog, a bright young lawyer, and Labor Party mem

ext morning. Clinton began by meeting Arafat, as I went through the Americans' strategy for the negotiations with Madeleine Albright, Dennis Ross and Martin Indyk. Then I met the President in his cabin, which was called Aspen. He told me that while Arafat still thought I was trying to "trick him" into an agreem

an assurance of confidentiality through Ne'eman. The first of about a half-dozen meetings came a few days later at the Prime Minister's residence in Jerusalem. Then, we shifted venue, meeting at a Mossad-owned villa north of Tel Aviv. I brought along Bougie Herzog, a bright young lawyer, and Labor Party mem