ver, there was almost no hope for such an agreement even before the challenge in the streets. Anyway, which seasoned analysts? The one he quotes is Martin Indyk, who almost always believes that tout va bien, but especially when things are going horridly. Well, we don't really know how badly or, for that mat

b-Israeli peace process for the following four decades. In his new book, "Master of the Game: Henry Kissinger and the Art of Middle East Diplomacy", Martin Indyk, the former U.S. ambassador to Israel and special envoy for the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations, aims to explain the arc of American diplomatic in

iven that this has been their answer to all calls for talks since Mahmoud Abbas met with Prime Minister Ehud Olmert in 2008. Even former U.S. envoy Martin Indyk who has been a frequent critic of Netanyahu, acknowledged that Abbas has no interest in negotiations. Indyk said that Abbas understandably feels a

im for a speech in May that accused Moscow of bribing Kyrgyzstan, McFaul tweeted, "Still learning the craft of speaking more diplomatically." 47. Martin Indyk Having spent years in top diplomatic posts during the Clinton administration -- U.S. ambassador to Israel (twice), assistant secretary of state fo

Dan Meridor, Deputy Prime Minister of Israel and Minister Responsible for Intelligence Services and the Atomic Energy Commission (via video-link) Martin Indyk, Vice President and Director of Foreign Policy, Brookings Institution Robert Malley, Middle East and North Africa Program Director, International Cr

s life." Netanyahu's strategic timidity and general risk aversion -- his boldness is more apparent in words than deeds -- only sweetens the bargain. Martin Indyk, a former U.S. ambassador to Israel, told me that "Bibi's caution makes it possible for Barak to do his own thing" -- an irresistible prospect for

in his office in Jerusalem with an Israeli flag behind him. The rare appearance was arranged by Terje Larsen, the UN under- secretary general, and Martin Indyk, the US administration special's envoy to the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations. Larsen sat on the stage and interviewed Peres, who spoke directly

nian Talks on Course, but what about the spoiler? Start with the track that is best-positioned: the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations. US negotiator Martin Indyk brings the expertise and the diplomatic and bureaucratic credentials necessary to hold his own in a negotiation where required compromises can be b

can hope for—even if it requires uncomfortable talk of military intervention. Michael 0 'Hanlon is a senior fellow at Brookings and coauthor with Martin Indyk and Kenneth Lieberthal of Bending History: Barack Obama's Foreign Policy. EFTA00660567

ould well hurt Netanyahu in the ballot box. Netanyahu "reads polls for breakfast and he knows the Israeli public is not behind him [on Iran]," says Martin Indyk, a former ambassador to Israel and now director of the Foreign Policy Program at the Brookings Institution in Washington. "If Tel Aviv is under roc

allot box. Netanyahu "reads polls for breakfast and EFTA_R1_00482799 EFTA01990231 he knows the Israeli public is not behind him [on Iran]," says Martin Indyk, a former ambassador to Israel and now director of the Foreign Policy Program at the Brookings Institution in Washington. "If Tel Aviv is under ro

ext morning. Clinton began by meeting Arafat, as I went through the Americans’ strategy for the negotiations with Madeleine Albright, Dennis Ross and Martin Indyk. Then I met the President in his cabin, which was called Aspen. He told me that while Arafat still thought I was trying to “trick him” into an agreem

ext morning. Clinton began by meeting Arafat, as I went through the Americans' strategy for the negotiations with Madeleine Albright, Dennis Ross and Martin Indyk. Then I met the President in his cabin, which was called Aspen. He told me that while Arafat still thought I was trying to "trick him" into an agreem