Epstein Secrets

organization, but couldn't find a suitable one among the contenders. Perhaps they feared what the leading alternatives might do with regime power: Moussa perhaps rallying anti-Islamist forces and rolling back their gains, Abu Ismail capturing Islamist sympathies and votes and shunting the Brotherhood

ganization he dominates. Finally, his presence in the race could well galvanize the non-Islamist vote to rally behind a consensus candidate such as Amr Moussa. The third reason for surprise was the candidate himself. If the Brotherhood needed to field a candidate, then it could have turned to one of its w

ain people on both ends of the political spectrum. Beinart frames his book as a passionate polemic on the fatal threat that Israel's occupation of the West Bank poses to that country's liberal democratic ideals. The object of his jeremiad is not Israeli rightists or Palestinian terror groups but the America

homever gets the presidential post. Enter Amr Moussa, former Mubarak foreign minister and Secretary General of the Arab League. The cigar- smoking Moussa is one of the best known Egyptians on the international scene. Smart, tough and smooth- as-silk, the multi-lingual Moussa has no shortage of financ

violet, openly attacked the military commission for being behind his black ball. He'll be trouble for whomever gets the presidential post. Enter Amr Moussa, former Mubarak foreign minister and Secretary General of the Arab League. The cigar- smoking Moussa is one of the best known Egyptians on the inte

ony Blair. But it is perhaps the opinion of Palestinian citizens themselves that is most telling. A community leader in the Balata refugee camp in the West Bank, once a center of conflict, compared the period before 2007, when "the camp was controlled by militias and thugs who partially financed their regi

Given the competitive Islamist field and the likelihood that Shater joining the fray could rally secular and nationalist voters behind a figure like Amr Moussa, the Brotherhood's decision has certainly made the election EFTA00686681 outcome difficult to predict. And that, of course, is a hallmark of demo

and of the King." Alternately, the generals could throw the military's not inconsiderable weight behind a more popular nationalist candidate such as Moussa. "They think that the SCAF is preparing something for them," says Abdel Rahim Akl of the Arab Center for Islamic Movements Studies. The Brotherhoo

d have EFTA00686689 accomplished -- establishing Palestinian institutions, growing an economy in impossible conditions, and fostering security in the West Bank. After all these endeavors, however, you still need to beg the government of Israel to release your money from customs, you still need to beg the

ief Gen. Abdul-Fattah al-Sissi would become president with the traditional 90 percent vote claimed by dictators from Gamal Abdul-Nasser to Mubarak. Moussa, a former apparatchik of the Nasserist regime, is already peddling that scenario. "Gen. al-Sissi is the best man for Egypt right now," he said las

's next battle: Freedom is the biggest loser Amir Taheri EFTA_R1_02211222 EFTA02724395 January 19, 2014 -- `We can go back to normal now," says Amr Moussa, the elder statesman of the Egyptian establishment who supervised the drafting of a new constitution. "What we now need is a good president." The

anning to build a short pipeline to Jordan, a project that could help to stabilize the Jewish state's lone Arab partner and supply Palestinians in the West Bank. The Leviathan field's developers said Jan. 5 that they had signed a deal to sell 4.5 billion cubic meters of gas to Palestine Power Generation Co.

president are responsible secular centrists; the runaway favorite, so far, is former foreign minister and Arab League general secretary Amr Moussa. Moussa may be a recent convert to liberal democracy, and he is known for striking populist poses against Israel. But he would almost certainly run a bette

idates for president are responsible secular centrists; the runaway favorite, so far, is former foreign minister and Arab League general secretary Amr Moussa. Moussa may be a recent convert to liberal democracy, and he is known for striking populist poses against Israel. But he would almost certainly run

eated efforts to "Judaize" the region, and in the so-called mixed towns within the Green Line. EFTA00584918 8 The popular struggle committees in the West Bank have had some success in stopping Israel's encroachments on their villages. Unfortunately, the UN bid has diverted attention from these civil resi

two countries began to consider the resumption of direct flights between the two nations after 32 years. Also in 2010, the head of the Arab League, Amr Moussa, urged member countries to acknowledge the new geopolitical realities in the region: namely, the rise of non-Arab countries such as Turkey and Iran

nd judiciary branch, so long as Hamas did not control the recipient. It also permitted funding to nongovernmental organizations that provide aid to the West Bank and Gaza relating to humanitarian needs and democracy promotion. Ultimately, the dilemma over funding the PA resolved itself in 2007, when Hamas b

e some of the other Arab foreign 282 HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011753 ministers when we’d arrived in the banqueting hall. I did have a good talk with Egypt’s Amr Moussa, and the foreign ministers of Morocco and Tunisia. When I tried to start a conversation with Syria’s Farouk al-Sharaa, however, he pointedly, though

would be in charge of one of Israel’s three regional military commands, and we were based on the edge of Jerusalem, with security responsibility for the West Bank. This was my first direct exposure to the combustible mix of restive Palestinians and the growing number of Jewish settlers. Our main brief was to p

e some of the other Arab foreign 282 HOUSE _OVERSIGHT_028130 ministers when we'd arrived in the banqueting hall. I did have a good talk with Egypt's Amr Moussa, and the foreign ministers of Morocco and Tunisia. When I tried to start a conversation with Syria's Farouk al-Sharaa, however, he pointedly, though

would be in charge of one of Israel's three regional military commands, and we were based on the edge of Jerusalem, with security responsibility for the West Bank. This was my first direct exposure to the combustible mix of restive Palestinians and the growing number of Jewish settlers. Our main brief was to pr