Epstein Secrets

under a title lifted creatively from a saying by Chairman Mao, “La diplomatie n’est pas un diner de gala” or “D

s revolution. For example, in the 1930s, foreign journalist Edgar Snow sang the praises of the Chinese Communist Party and specifically its chairman, Mao Zedong. The Party conducted a campaign in the United States in the 1940s to turn the American public against the regime of Chiang Kai-shek and to soften cri

tienne Manach (a historical Gaullist) and Claude Martin (who recently published his memoirs under a title lifted creatively from a saying by Chairman Mao, “La diplomatie n’est pas un diner de gala” or “Diplomacy is not a dinner party”). Still, the shift in public opinion has been equally notable. Simo

example, focused on the correct reading of “socialism with Chinese characteristics,” while a workshop in 2010 concerned China’s policies in Tibet and Xinjiang. At the thirteenth Seminar in 2015, He Yafei, then the assistant director of the Overseas Chinese Affairs Office, argued that overseas Chinese media

es of peaceful co-existence laid down in 1949 by Mao Zedong as guidelines for China's foreign policy.

h the banner of state sovereignty. This familiar spinal reaction is the logic of the five principles of peaceful co-existence laid down in 1949 by Mao Zedong as guidelines for China's foreign policy. Yet, in the course of events in the Arab world, Beijing's stance shifted from resistance to foreign inter

framework of international norms. It's well-known that China does not condone any criticism of Chinese policies regarding Taiwan or the regions of Xinjiang and Tibet. Less understood is under what conditions China may accept infringements on sovereignty far from its own territory. It is tempting to re

, it is known as the "century of humiliation": the period starting with Britain's victory in the First Opium War in 1842 and lasting at least until Mao Zedong's declaration of the People's Republic in 1949. Beginning in the 1850s, Russians seized advantage of Chinese disarray to pressure the Qing's northern

st communist states led to a set of border clashes, the most explosive of which occurred along an Amur River tributary in 1969. Five years earlier, Mao had infuriated Moscow when he told visiting Japanese reporters that much of the Russian Far East was stolen land; now, he instructed Chinese premi

ublic in 1949. Beginning in the 1850s, Russians seized advantage of Chinese disarray to pressure the Qing's northern frontier, from restive Muslim Xinjiang in the west to the Amur River in the east. Two "unequal treaties" in 1858 and 1860 gave Russia more land than it had conceded to the Manchus two hu

"offer a striking picture of how the hidden machinery of the Chinese state carried out the country's most far-reaching internment campaign since the Mao era," they wrote. "Striking" is about right. "Round up everyone who should be rounded up," exhorted a Chinese official regarding the internment goa

tigative Journalists (ICIJ) last year received very newsworthy documents relating to China's treatment of Uighurs and other Muslim minorities in the Xinjiang region of northwestern China. The papers were sensitive and required a lot of followup, so ICIJ did what it does best: It convened an international

nty over the Tibetan plateau. In 1962, flimsy history, confusion over the border's very location and the imperatives of two relatively young states—Mao's People's Republic and newly independent India led by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru—led to China humiliating India in a crushing defeat where, b

ng seized and has never relinquished Aksai Chin —"the desert of white stone"—a strategic corridor that links Tibet to the western Chinese region of Xinjiang. "The India-China war took place through a complex series of actions misunderstandings," says Kishan S. Rana, a former Indian diplomat and honorary

Cultural Revolution and the decline and death of Mao Zedong in 1976, These congressional visits to Ch

trips, taking over a thousand congressional staff members to China. In these trips, members have traveled to nearly every corner of China, including Xinjiang and Tibet. In their discussions, they have covered a wide range of themes important to the US-China relationship. Staffers participating in such trip

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