Epstein Secrets

igned the Camp David Accords. The two countries thus settled for the presence of missions, but the situation changed with the collapse of President Hosni Mubarak's regime. The day he became Egyptian foreign minister following the revolution, Nabil al- EFTA00712752 Arabi stated that his government did not pe

With all this history, Egypt rejected the "Turkish model" that Recep Tayyip Erdogan asked it to follow the day he visited Cairo following President Mubarak's toppling, as it rejected Guide Ali Khamenei's statements in which he said that the Egyptian revolution was an extension of the Islamic one. Cairo

im for a speech in May that accused Moscow of bribing Kyrgyzstan, McFaul tweeted, "Still learning the craft of speaking more diplomatically." 47. Martin Indyk Having spent years in top diplomatic posts during the Clinton administration -- U.S. ambassador to Israel (twice), assistant secretary of state fo

nows what it takes to make his people happy. Unlike in Egypt and Tunisia, Syrians see Assad as part of the solution in their country, and not, like Hosni Mubarak and Zein al-Abidine Ben Ali, as part of the problem. He is young, closer to their age than both presidents had been to young Egyptians and Tunisian

ago, in a long, thrilling interview with the Wall Street Journal, Assad spoke about the stability of his regime, in sharp contrast to the crumbling Mubarak regime. But in the end, the shockwaves of the "Arab Spring" also reached Syria. The opposition is nourished by the hatred the Sunni majority in Syr

ver, there was almost no hope for such an agreement even before the challenge in the streets. Anyway, which seasoned analysts? The one he quotes is Martin Indyk, who almost always believes that tout va bien, but especially when things are going horridly. Well, we don't really know how badly or, for that mat

. Unlike U.S. ties with Israel, the bond between the U.S. and Egypt rests less on shared values and more on shared interests. Under Anwar Sadat and Hosni Mubarak, America cut a deal with each of these acquiescent authoritarians. We'll stay out of your internal affairs — essentially give you a pass on governan

security and peace. The election of an Egyptian president from the Muslim Brotherhood has called into question both the values and the interests. Mubarak's Egypt was hardly democratic and had an awful record on human rights. But Morsi is still tied to a party that's exclusionist, spews anti-Semitic,

ould well hurt Netanyahu in the ballot box. Netanyahu "reads polls for breakfast and he knows the Israeli public is not behind him [on Iran]," says Martin Indyk, a former ambassador to Israel and now director of the Foreign Policy Program at the Brookings Institution in Washington. "If Tel Aviv is under roc

ertain. Do you think part of the kingdom's anger with the United States went back to 2011, when the U.S. allowed former Egyptian president [Hosni] Mubarak to be ousted so quickly? I think there was some disappointment that the United States did not stand by someone who for 30 years was a very staunch

nian Talks on Course, but what about the spoiler? Start with the track that is best-positioned: the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations. US negotiator Martin Indyk brings the expertise and the diplomatic and bureaucratic credentials necessary to hold his own in a negotiation where required compromises can be b

between the U.S. and Egypt rests less on shared values and more on shared interests. Under Anwar Sadat and Hosni EFTA_R1_00482810 EFTA01990242 Mubarak, America cut a deal with each of these acquiescent authoritarians. We'll stay out of your internal affairs — essentially give you a pass on govern

allot box. Netanyahu "reads polls for breakfast and EFTA_R1_00482799 EFTA01990231 he knows the Israeli public is not behind him [on Iran]," says Martin Indyk, a former ambassador to Israel and now director of the Foreign Policy Program at the Brookings Institution in Washington. "If Tel Aviv is under ro