Epstein Secrets

lack of opportunity, and demands for a voice in their future. In less time than anyone would have expected only a year earlier, Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak was forced to step down. The business, military, and political networks that made up his regime, however, are positioned to retain their privileges

ed only a year earlier, Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak was forced to step down. The business, military,

via water," said Ami Ayalon, the deputy commander of the navy at the time, who would later become head of the Israeli domestic intelligence agency, Shin Bet. Strategic Depth Even then it was becoming apparent, according to Ayalon, "that in the Middle East things were heading toward nuclear weapons," es

uality between the very different actors who initiated it. None tried to seize a leadership role. The power struggle pitted the forces of President Hosni Mubarak's regime against the people, including women, who were on the streets and in the squares demanding freedom, dignity, and social justice. But now t

ets and in the squares demanding freedom, dignity, and social justice. But now things are strikingly different. The once unified opposition to the Mubarak regime has become fragmented, with each faction defending its own interests and advocating its own version of the revolution's goals. The two most

the Army Chief of Staff, the Commander-in-Chief of the Air Force, the heads of the two main intelligence agencies, the Mossad (Israel's C.I.A.) and Shin Bet (its F.B.I.), President Shimon Peres, and members of Netanyahu's cabinet. Apart from Peres, these men are anything but liberals. Recently, the writ

ess he’d worked so closely with Yitzhak to achieve, organized an unprecedented show of international condemnation of the terror attacks. With Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak, he co-chaired a “Summit of Peacemakers” in Sharm al- Sheikh with the participation not just of an equally concerned King Hussein, and of course Araf

mnation of the terror attacks. With Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak, he co-chaired a “Summit of Peacemakers” in Sharm

h their lives. Yet there were signs of trouble. The PLO leaders’ relocation to Tunis had reduced their direct influence. But the briefings I got from Shin Bet officers made it clear that some young West Bankers had begun trying to organize attacks against police, soldiers and Israeli civilians. The settleme

ess he'd worked so closely with Yitzhak to achieve, organized an unprecedented show of international condemnation of the terror attacks. With Egypt's Hosni Mubarak, he co-chaired a "Summit of Peacemakers" in Sharm al- Sheikh with the participation not just of an equally concerned King Hussein, and of course Araf

mnation of the terror attacks. With Egypt's Hosni Mubarak, he co-chaired a "Summit of Peacemakers" in Sharm

h their lives. Yet there were signs of trouble. The PLO leaders' relocation to Tunis had reduced their direct influence. But the briefings I got from Shin Bet officers made it clear that some young West Bankers had begun trying to organize attacks against police, soldiers and Israeli civilians. The settleme

, while Mubarak fils is prisoner No. 23 at Tora Farm, the country's most notorious prison. The wheel of fortune has turned so dramatically for the Mubaraks, in part because the provisional military government found it necessary to mollify protesters -- who continue to challenge its reform bona fides -

the United States. But they did not begin with Libya, or with the surprise uprising in Tunisia in January or the stunning fall of Egypt's President Hosni Mubarak in February. They were evident from Year 1 of the Obama presidency in his excruciating deliberations over the Afghan surge, in the hand extended in

d an Israeli- Palestinian peace, like the Israeli Peace Initiative proposed two weeks ago by former heads of the Israeli Defense Force, Mossad, and Shin Bet? For working with the European Union to help Egypt and Tunisia improve their economies and consolidate democracy the way the U.S. did for Europe a