Epstein Secrets

's debate, the two front-runners, Moussa and Aboul Fotouh, dug at each other's records. Aboul Fotouh portrayed Moussa as a corrupt, weak stooge for Mubarak who will continue the old regime's authoritarian ways. Moussa attacked Aboul Fotouh as a fire-and-brimstone Islamist who founded a radical group in

ypt had been supplying gas to Israel. This followed months of demonstrations in Cairo by the youthful protestors who succeeded in deposing autocrat Hosni Mubarak and are now seeking a more independent Egyptian foreign policy—one less beholden to the United States and Israel. It also followed scores of attac

ould swell But although support for the Brotherhood inside Syria appears to be limited, activists say it is growing as the uprising drags on. "The Muslim Brothers have resources, and they get help from Saudi Arabia and the gulf states," said Mousab al-Hamadi, an activist in Hama with the secular Local Coordin

Egypt's ambassador to Israel. Yet in the grand scheme of di=lomatic gestures, this was, in fact, a relatively minor move. Indeed, form=r President Hosni Mubarak did exactly same thing<http://www.guardian.co.uk=world/2000/nov/22/israel> in November 2000 when Egyptian demonstrations ag=inst Israel mounted duri

ively minor move. Indeed, form=r President Hosni Mubarak did exactly same thing<http://www.guardian.co.uk=

rliament-review> that its legal committee was work=ng on a new draft law to unilaterally amend Egypt's peace treaty with Isra=1 Meanwhile, prominent Muslim Brothers have made hostile gestures towards=lsrael in recent months, including the Supreme Guide's call for a "holy ji=ad" for Jerusalem<http://www.ikhwanon

to say that the dangers facing Israel are imagined; Israel must now contend with the consequences of the removal of its biggest ally in the region, Hosni Mubarak, and face a newly-elected government whose position on matters relating to the Jewish state are uncertain at best. While not underestimating the ch

removal of its biggest ally in the region, Hosni Mubarak, and face a newly-elected government whose posit

self-renewal that allows a system to survive. The old Egyptian crony capitalists with their big cigars were gone from Davos this year, replaced by Muslim Brothers. And their message to the bankers and tycoons was that the new Egypt and Tunisia welcome foreign investment. Hopefully, the insurgents can find a w

s debate, the two front-runners, Moussa and Aboul Fotouh, dug at each other's records. Aboul Fotouh portrayed Moussa as a corrupt, weak stooge for Mubarak who will continue the old regime's authoritarian ways. Moussa attacked Aboul Fotouh as a fire-and- brimstone Islamist who founded a radical group in

ypt had been supplying gas to Israel. This followed months of demonstrations in Cairo by the youthful protestors who succeeded in deposing autocrat Hosni Mubarak and are now seeking a more independent Egyptian foreign policy—one less beholden to the United States and Israel. It also followed scores of attack

ould swell But although support for the Brotherhood inside Syria appears to be limited, activists say it is growing as the uprising drags on. "The Muslim Brothers have resources, and they get help from Saudi Arabia and the gulf states," said Mousab al-Hamadi, an activist in Hama with the secular Local Coordin

ould, in the absence of a host, relocate to the Gaza Strip. The Egyptian Youth Movement, which played an instrumental role in dismantling President Mubarak's regime, is splintering. The movement was an amalgamation of various political stripes, united only by mutual contempt for Mubarak's regime. Key m

and villages, the rallying point being lifting the military siege on the city of Daraa. Damascus accuses Hariri supporters, Khaddam's mercenaries, Muslim Brothers, Salafists, al-Qaida terrorists, and sleeper cells planted by the former Egyptian Chief of Intelligence Omar Suleiman of fomenting sedition in Syria