Epstein Secrets

lly bold move. How will it affect the endlessly turbulent and contentious Egyptian political transition? And could Khairat al-Shater really replace Hosni Mubarak as the President of Egypt? I've been studying Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood for many years, and have interviewed most of its senior leaders (including

st ruling, which was handed down in 2006, is still on his record. While he was released for health reasons last year after the uprising that ousted Mubarak, Al-Shater was yet to receive another pardon by SCAF before his Saturday nomination. The Brotherhood lawyer said Sunday that Al-Shater had indeed

otice. On the face of it, he exudes a sublime confidence that the world could be held at bay—at least until November, past that last election. Mr. Ajami is a senior fellow at Stanford University's Hoover Institution and co-chair of Hoover's Working Group on Islamism and the International Order EFTA

/online.wsj.com/search/term.html?KE=WORDS=FOUAD+AJAMI&bylinesearch=true> February 10, 2013 -= Two years ago, on Feb. 11, 2011, the Egyptian dictator Hosni Mubarak chttp://topics.wsj.com/person/M/Hosni-Mubarak/6479> stepped aside, overwhelmed by 18 days of protes=s. Silent and remote, he had ruled for three de

ssness, t=e fault line between a feeble secular camp and a cynical Muslim Brotherhood bent on monopolizing political power—th=t the true work of the Mubarak tyranny can be fully appreciated. The "=deep state" he presided over—a Ministry of Interior with nearly two=million functionaries, a police force th

ychopath Mohammad Atta, who led the deat= pilots of 9/11. It was folly and naiveté to think that we really knew and could befriend the tyrants. Mr. Ajami is a s=nior fellow at Stanford's Hoover Institution and the author of "The S=rian Rebellion" (Hoover Institution Press, 2012). Articl= 5. The Wash

; for the first time in a long time, Arabs are. In Tahrir Square, Egypt's young made a revolution. President Obama bowed to reality and helped show Hosni Mubarak the door; Benjamin Netanyahu stood athwart history, impotently yelling stop. Now Egypt's leaders are doing its people's will, bringing Hamas and Fa

g about a revolution. Tocqueville observed that a dictatorial regime faces the greatest danger when it is trying to reform itself. WHY, THEN, WERE Mubarak and Ali ousted so easily while other dictators are putting up a more determined resistance? Largely EFTA00586653 22 because they had stayed in p

Iraq— where Musa al-Sadr still enjoys a saintly aura—there shall be joy. The undoing of Gadhafi would be seen as the grant of belated justice. Mr. Ajami is a professor at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies and a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution. He is co-chair of the H

en the Arabs to come face to face, and truly for the first time, with the harvest of their own history. Now their world is what they make of it. Mr. Ajami is a senior fellow at Stanford University's Hoover Institution and co-chair of the Working Group on Islamism and the International Order. HOUSE_OVE

e of authentic Islamic currents in the Middle East, and as locked in combat until the end with the west and its clients. These included Saudi Arabia, Hosni Mubarak's Egypt, and above all, Israel. However, the alliance always had a rather obvious flaw: while presenting itself as an inclusive, representative camp, i

d on them, the young Arabs instead criticized how America reacted to them. (President Obama’s failure to support Egyptian revolutionaries until after Mubarak was clearly a goner, and his inconsistency helping Libya’s rebels, but not Syria’s, were both widely criticized.) By taking control of their own fate