Epstein Secrets

ion in Iraq provided that country on a silver platter to Iran. The 25 January Revolution in Egypt came to broaden the cracks when the US abandoned Hosni Mubarak, which the Saudi Kingdom considered as letting down an ally — something that might be repeated with the kingdom itself. Differences with Washington

e government spent its reserves in order to sustain high social spending and support the Egyptian currency amid the political turmoil that followed Mubarak's removal. In the first 18 months of the transition, during which the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) held control, Egypt received only

ping even bankrupt Greece, between 2006 and 2012. Yet this mood of misery does not seem to have engendered any lingering sympathies for the fallen Brothers, whose efforts to sustain protests are met mostly with annoyance. Despite anguish over police brutality and the death of some 3,000 people since th

hought, he added a conciliatory call for dialogue with his politic=l opponents. As on January 28th =011, so on January 27th 2013. As with President Hosni Mubarak, so with Pre=ident Muhammad Morsi. And in both cases to little effect. After both telev=sed addresses vast throngs gleefully defied the curfew, fres

ns braced for the unknown. The drama that has =een unfolding since January 25th, the anniversary of the beginning of the =prising which toppled Mr Mubarak two years ago, would have looked peculiar=y familiar even without the eerily precise coincidence of the dates. Some are tempted to see the similarit

s development. The country is send=ng Mr Morsi a loud message about the need for political inclusiveness. The=question is whether Mr Morsi and the Brothers are listening. 2 EFTA_R1_01438653 EFTA02401794 Two years, two stor=es When Egyptians of a=l classes and persuasions united against their dictat

by such scenes were the limits of the day's slogan: "The people want the end of the division!" While Egyptians and Tunisians had by then jettisoned Hosni Mubarak's National Democratic Party and Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali's Rally for Constitutional Democracy, the March 15 movement was in effect asking Palestini

impossible choice, recapitulated starkly by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu after May 2: "It's either Hamas, or peace with Israel." With Mubarak's Egypt shoring up a still-biting Gaza blockade, meanwhile, and taking Fatah's side as the final arbitrator of reconciliation with Hamas, Abbas cou

president Abu Ela Madi) are EFTA_R1_02032796 EFTA02691179 18 former Brotherhood members. (Al-Wasat has less conservative social views than the Brothers and include Copts among its leaders.) Apart from the remains of the dissolved National Democratic Party and the parties authorised under Mubarak —

risis last year, portraying it as kowto=ing to Israel. In fact, Morsi is under fire from both the left and the right for up=olding former President Hosni Mubarak's obliging approach to Israel, as =ell as for reasserting Mubarak's authoritarian bargain — diplomatic an= financial support in exchange for "stabili

s under fire from both the left and the right for up=olding former President Hosni Mubarak's obliging approach to Israel, as =ell as for reasserting Mubarak's authoritarian bargain — diplomatic an= financial support in exchange for "stability" — with the United States. Faced with a collapsing economy and

has long called for a referendum on the treaty, viewing the rest=ictions on Egyptian forces in the Sinai as an affront to national sovereig=ty. The Brothers condemned Morsi's involvement in resolving the Gaza crisis last year, portraying it as kowto=ing to Israel. In fact, Morsi is under fire from both t

curfew in some provinces and a month-long state of emergency across the country. The last time EFTA_R1_00440974 EFTA01964298 that happened, when Hosni Mubarak took over as president after the assassination of Anwar Sadat in 1981, the state of emergency remained in force for 30 years. The government has p

r EFTA_R1_00440976 EFTA01964300 Egyptians of the freedoms that they crave—and which they have tasted, however briefly, since the overthrow of Mr Mubarak. Henceforth jihadists, in Egypt and beyond, who sympathise with al-Qaeda will find a more willing audience when they preach, as well as a supply o

gain plunged into violence. On August 14th armed police, backed by helicopters in the skies and bulldozers on the streets, stormed thousands of the Brothers' supporters encamped beside a mosque and a university in Cairo. Hundreds were killed and nearly 3,000 injured and the violence spread to other cit

ion in Iraq provided that country on a silver platter to Iran. The 25 January Revolution in Egypt came to broaden the cracks when the US abandoned Hosni Mubarak, which the Saudi EFTA_R1_02203849 EFTA02720467 Kingdom considered as letting down an ally — something that might be repeated with the kingdom it

n order to sustain high social spending and support the Egyptian EFTA_R1_02203857 EFTA02720475 currency amid the political turmoil that followed Mubarak's removal. In the first 18 months of the transition, during which the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) held control, Egypt received only

ping even bankrupt Greece, between 2006 and 2012. Yet this mood of misery does not seem to have engendered any lingering sympathies for the fallen Brothers, whose efforts to sustain protests are met mostly with annoyance. Despite anguish over police brutality and the death of some 3,000 people since t

ften used soccer as a means of diverting the attention of the masses or controlling them. No Egyptian president has been as attached to the game as Hosni Mubarak was. He always attended the national team's matches and was often seen yelling advice to the players. His sons, Alaa and Gamal, fraternized with Eg

the national team's matches and was often seen yelling advice to the players. His sons, Alaa and Gamal, fraternized with Egypt's top players. Mr. Mubarak's propaganda machine made sure that before a match, supporters were treated to patriotic songs and sloganeering. These displays were useful for def

ounding political phenomenon, and Mr. Hamid is acute on the paradoxes they present. He points out, for example, that repression and jail, which the Brothers have endured intermittently since Hassan al-Banna founded the group in 1928, actually made them more EFTA00684072 moderate and not more radical,

ican political scientist, saw it as proof that democracy cannot put down roots in stony ground. A third serious setback was Egypt. The collapse of Hosni Mubarak's regime in 2011, amid giant protests, raised hopes that democracy would spread in the Middle East. But the euphoria soon turned to despair. Egypt's

serious setback was Egypt. The collapse of Hosni Mubarak's regime in 2011, amid giant protests, raised ho

of Pythonesque parties) but by Muhammad Morsi's Muslim Brotherhood. Mr Morsi treated democracy as a winner-takes-all system, packing the state with Brothers, granting himself almost unlimited powers and creating an upper house with a permanent Islamic majority. In July 2013 the army stepped in, arrestin

rsen ‹ > Subject: June 17 update Date: Mon, 18 Jun 2012 14:12:35 +0000 17 June, 2012 Article 1. The Economist A Muslim Brother is better than a Mubarak crony Article 2. NYT At 50, the Cuban Missile Crisis as Guide Graham Allison Article 3. NYT Pinched and Griping in Iran Nicholas D. Kristof

rnment, or how they would revamp the judiciary. On some occasions, Mr Morsi has seemed to back a witch hunt against members of the former regime of Hosni Mubarak; on others, he sounds like a puppet being manipulated behind the scenes. If there were a decent secular candidate, we would vote for him. But Mr S

ristians, about 10% of the population, are understandably anxious—not least because, to get elected, Mr Morsi will need the support not just of the Brothers but also of the Salafists, a far more worrying band of Islamists who hark back to the puritanism of the Prophet Muhammad's era and who have amassed

overnment views us as traitors due to past Israeli occupation and is thus punishing us," Mona Abdo, political activist who ran for parliament under Mubarak, told Ahram Online from her home in Rafah. "I am more Egyptian than other Egyptians living in Cairo or elsewhere, as I reside on the turbulent bor

he Muslim Brotherhood -- or more precisely, the Freedom and Justice Party -- have made a number of questionable moves that raise concerns about the Brothers' commitment to democratic change. Despite seeking to shut down a television station, throwing the editor of the daily al Dostour in the dock for i