of shell firms, which bought poorly performing Enron stocks so that Enron could create a fraudulent company profile and mislead its auditors. Lehman Brothers, in the years before its 2008 collapse, used a smaller firm called Hudson Castle (of which it owned 25 percent) to shift risky investments off its bo

unsel for President-elect Trump? Don McGahn. (McGahn was embroiled in the Tom Delay scandal in the 2000s). Guess who had two companies which had Koch Brothers as investors and whose chief of staff (Chenowith) came from the Koch world? The new CIA- designate chief Mike Pompeo. (Pompeo's Kansas campaign recei

s imagined character is someone like Randolph Hearst in Citizen Kane: a rich man with non-existent morals but exquisite taste. Like Dick Fuld, Lehman Brothers' last CEO: earlier this month, it took Christie's days to sell off the bank's art collection. Here there is no so such owner: this collection has bee

ping even bankrupt Greece, between 2006 and 2012. Yet this mood of misery does not seem to have engendered any lingering sympathies for the fallen Brothers, whose efforts to sustain protests are met mostly with annoyance. Despite anguish over police brutality and the death of some 3,000 people since th

in the Arab world stood against Saudi Arabia and with Saddam Hussein against the U.S. military intervention. The Saudis have been suspicious of the Brothers since then, and with the upsurge in political activity in Saudi Arabia after the first Gulf War, lots of Saudi leaders blamed the Brotherhood as be

ounding political phenomenon, and Mr. Hamid is acute on the paradoxes they present. He points out, for example, that repression and jail, which the Brothers have endured intermittently since Hassan al-Banna founded the group in 1928, actually made them more EFTA00684072 moderate and not more radical,

of Pythonesque parties) but by Muhammad Morsi's Muslim Brotherhood. Mr Morsi treated democracy as a winner-takes-all system, packing the state with Brothers, granting himself almost unlimited powers and creating an upper house with a permanent Islamic majority. In July 2013 the army stepped in, arrestin

he Muslim Brotherhood -- or more precisely, the Freedom and Justice Party -- have made a number of questionable moves that raise concerns about the Brothers' commitment to democratic change. Despite seeking to shut down a television station, throwing the editor of the daily al Dostour in the dock for i

ristians, about 10% of the population, are understandably anxious—not least because, to get elected, Mr Morsi will need the support not just of the Brothers but also of the Salafists, a far more worrying band of Islamists who hark back to the puritanism of the Prophet Muhammad's era and who have amassed

gain plunged into violence. On August 14th armed police, backed by helicopters in the skies and bulldozers on the streets, stormed thousands of the Brothers' supporters encamped beside a mosque and a university in Cairo. Hundreds were killed and nearly 3,000 injured and the violence spread to other cit

has long called for a referendum on the treaty, viewing the rest=ictions on Egyptian forces in the Sinai as an affront to national sovereig=ty. The Brothers condemned Morsi's involvement in resolving the Gaza crisis last year, portraying it as kowto=ing to Israel. In fact, Morsi is under fire from both t

s development. The country is send=ng Mr Morsi a loud message about the need for political inclusiveness. The=question is whether Mr Morsi and the Brothers are listening. 2 EFTA_R1_01438653 EFTA02401794 Two years, two stor=es When Egyptians of a=l classes and persuasions united against their dictat

president Abu Ela Madi) are EFTA_R1_02032796 EFTA02691179 18 former Brotherhood members. (Al-Wasat has less conservative social views than the Brothers and include Copts among its leaders.) Apart from the remains of the dissolved National Democratic Party and the parties authorised under Mubarak —

ping even bankrupt Greece, between 2006 and 2012. Yet this mood of misery does not seem to have engendered any lingering sympathies for the fallen Brothers, whose efforts to sustain protests are met mostly with annoyance. Despite anguish over police brutality and the death of some 3,000 people since t