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to be -- owned by the left. From Israeli premiers Menachem Begin to Yitzhak Rabin (breaker of bones during the first Intifada) to Ariel Sharon and Benjamin Netanyahu, the story of the Arab-Israeli negotiations is one of tough guys whose calculations were reshaped by necessity and self-interest, and who could de
els for Gaza's banks and support for Gaza's infrastructure. Jaabari had street cred and delivered for four years -- Abbas has little and couldn't. Netanyahu's Comfort Zone Bibi is who he is. Right now, he's a legitimate Israeli leader who may well be the only political figure capable of leading the cou
support for Gaza's infrastructure. Jaabari had street cred and delivered for four years -- Abbas has little and couldn't. Netanyahu's Comfort Zone Bibi is who he is. Right now, he's a legitimate Israeli leader who may well be the only political figure capable of leading the country. Whether he can
nefited from a strong patron in Iran. Hamas, on the other hand, enjoyed no such support. Mubarak's Egypt, Bashar al Assad's Syria, Jordan under the Hashemites and the Gulf monarchies under the influence of the House of Saud all shared a deep interest in keeping Hamas boxed in. Although publically these c
has played a far too important role in determining relations between them, to the detriment of their people. It is unnecessary, as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel worries, for President Obama or any other leader for that matter, to believe Rouhani's words. It is unnecessary for any Western leader to
e. It is unnecessary, as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel worries, for President Obama or any ot
an nightmare for its dwellers and a focus of criminal and terrorist activity in the eyes of the Jordanian authorities. The bigger question for the Hashemites is what will happen if these people remain permanently in Jordan, changing the makeup and balance of Jordan's population and turning the Transjord
ately needs a Palestinian state in order to preserve its own "Jordanianness"—an issue that is not, in the end, of much concern to the Israelis. The Hashemites know that EFTA_R1_02208417 EFTA02722927 and cannot be comforted by the thought that in the event a Palestinian state fails to materialize, Israe
he White House turn if it wants some kind of peace process in the Middle East? Syria. After all, in his first term as prime minister, back in 1998, Benjamin Netanyahu did authorize indirect negotiations with Syria. And the IDF—and especially Ehud Barak, a former head of the IDF, Israel's defense minister, and a c
direct negotiations with Syria. And the IDF—and especially Ehud Barak, a former head of the IDF, Israel's defense minister, and a close adviser to Netanyahu—has long favored such a deal. The IDF theory was that if Syria made peace, so would Lebanon, and then Israel would be at EFTA_R1_02029152 EFTA0268
r the Ottoman administrative district Filistina. Given the complex politics of the Arabian Peninsula, the British had to find a home for a group of Hashemites, which they located on the east bank of the Jordan River and designated, for want of a better name, the Trans-Jordan — the other side of the Jordan
Entities connected to both Benjamin Netanyahu and Hashemites

Barack Obama
PERSON
George W. Bush
PERSON
United States
LOCATION
Jerusalem
LOCATION
Bashar al-Assad
PERSON
Lebanon
LOCATION
Tehran
LOCATION
Middle East
LOCATION
Terje Rod-Larsen
PERSON
Bloomberg L.P.
ORGANIZATION
West Bank
LOCATION
George Mitchell
PERSON
Damascus
LOCATION
Hosni Mubarak
PERSON
White House
ORGANIZATION
Julie K. Brown
PERSONthe West Bank
LOCATION
Saddam Hussein
PERSON
Fatah
ORGANIZATION
Mahmoud Abbas
PERSON