Epstein Secrets

r 1998) 356 Sharm el-Sheikh Memorandum (4 September 1999) 358 Protocol Concerning Safe Passage between West Bank and Gaza Strip (5 October 1999) 363 Sharon Address at Fourth Herzliya Conference (18 December 2003) 371 Exchange of Letters between PM Sharon and President Bush (14 April 2004) 376 Disengage

m United States to Israel (October 1998) 356 Sharm el-Sheikh Memorandum (4 September 1999) 358 Protocol Concerning Safe Passage between West Bank and Gaza Strip (5 October 1999) 363 Sharon Address at Fourth Herzliya Conference (18 December 2003) 371 Exchange of Letters between PM Sharon and President Bush (

b League in Cairo, with Ahmed Shugeiri as its leader. 16 May 1967 President Nasser asks the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) to leave Sinai and the Gaza Strip, where it had been engaged in peacekeeping functions since the 1956 Sinai conflict. 22 May 1967 Egypt announces a blockade against Israeli shipping

ad Al-Qattawi into the settlement of Netzarim in the center of the Gaza Strip. In the month following the death as a Martyr of Al-Karmi, the coward Sharon's decision cost 133 killed Israelis (sic., from Jan. 14 - Feb. 14, 2002, a total of 23 people were murdered by Palestinian terrorists) and hundreds

the assassination of Al-Karmi the resistance fighters imposed a curfew on the residents, soldiers, and settlements of the Palestinian West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and succeeded in carrying EFTA00635972 out a number of operations on the same day on which Al-Karmi died as a Martyr, including the attack on a

r chief of Preventive Security in the Palestinian National Authority (PNA). Let us round up the usual suspects in Arafat's death. One obviously is Sharon, who often lamented publicly that he did not eliminate Arafat when he had the chance to do so in Beirut in 1982. In early 2004, he talked about Ara

away. Police stations and checkpoints were reduced to piles of ashes and debris. Soldiers took up positions along the road that connects Cairo and the Gaza Strip, barricading themselves inside tanks and other fighting vehicles surrounded by walls of sandbags. As pillars of the police state eroded, hundreds

r chief of Preventive Security in the Palestinian National Authority (PNA). Let us round up the usual suspects in Arafat's death. One obviously is Sharon, who often lamented publicly that he did not eliminate Arafat when he had the chance to do so in Beirut in 1982. In early 2004, he talked about Ara

away. Police stations and checkpoints were reduced to piles of ashes and debris. Soldiers took up positions along the road that connects Cairo and the Gaza Strip, barricading themselves inside tanks and other fighting vehicles surrounded by walls of sandbags. As pillars of the police state eroded, hundreds

decade later, the idea would suddenly resurface. In my first meeting, as a newly promoted Major General, with our then Defence Minister Ariel Sharon, Sharon turned to me and the army’s Chief of Staff, Rafael Eitan, and said: “Tell me. Why the hell is Arafat still alive?” He looked first at Raful, then at

the Israeli army’s elite units. The 1948 war had been won. But it had not brought peace. Palestinian irregulars, fedayeen operating from Jordan and the Gaza Strip, mounted hit-and- run raids. In armed ambushes or by planting mines, they killed dozens of Israeli civilians and injured hundreds more. The country w

ons be imposed, and Shlomo agreed. The first was that the visit not occur on a Friday, when the mosques would be full of worshipers; the second, that Sharon not set foot in either of the mosques on the Haram. Our chief of police informed Sharon that if he didn’t accept the conditions, we’d deny him permis

a week before the Gaza withdrawal, declaring: “I am not prepared to be a partner to a move which ignores reality, and proceeds blindly toward turning the Gaza Strip into a base for Islamic terrorism which will threaten the state.” To this day, Bibi, along with many Israelis across the political spectrum, draws a

decade later, the idea would suddenly resurface. In my first meeting, as a newly promoted Major General, with our then Defence Minister Ariel Sharon, Sharon turned to me and the army’s Chief of Staff, Rafael Eitan, and said: “Tell me. Why the hell is Arafat still alive?” He looked first at Raful, then at

the Israeli army’s elite units. The 1948 war had been won. But it had not brought peace. Palestinian irregulars, fedayeen operating from Jordan and the Gaza Strip, mounted hit-and- run raids. In armed ambushes or by planting mines, they killed dozens of Israeli civilians and injured hundreds more. The country w

ons be imposed, and Shlomo agreed. The first was that the visit not occur on a Friday, when the mosques would be full of worshipers; the second, that Sharon not set foot in either of the mosques on the Haram. Our chief of police informed Sharon that if he didn't accept the conditions, we'd deny him permis

a week before the Gaza withdrawal, declaring: "I am not prepared to be a partner to a move which ignores reality, and proceeds blindly toward turning the Gaza Strip into a base for Islamic terrorism which will threaten the state." To this day, Bibi, along with many Israelis across the political spectrum, draws a