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decade later, the idea would suddenly resurface. In my first meeting, as a newly promoted Major General, with our then Defence Minister Ariel Sharon, Sharon turned to me and the army’s Chief of Staff, Rafael Eitan, and said: “Tell me. Why the hell is Arafat still alive?” He looked first at Raful, then at
Gaza was seven miles from the southern Israeli city of Ashkelon and just 40 from the outskirts of Tel AVIV. Israel did secure control of the entire Galilee, up to the pre-war borders with Lebanon and Syria, and of the Negev Desert in the south. The territory of our new state was about a third larger than
ons be imposed, and Shlomo agreed. The first was that the visit not occur on a Friday, when the mosques would be full of worshipers; the second, that Sharon not set foot in either of the mosques on the Haram. Our chief of police informed Sharon that if he didn’t accept the conditions, we’d deny him permis
g escalation: the spread of the violence into Israel itself, with unprecedentedly serious clashes between our own Arab citizens and the police in the Galilee, in Wadi Ara, in the main mixed Arab-Jewish cities, and the Negev. Beyond the political implications, the demonstrations of solidarity with the Pales
decade later, the idea would suddenly resurface. In my first meeting, as a newly promoted Major General, with our then Defence Minister Ariel Sharon, Sharon turned to me and the army’s Chief of Staff, Rafael Eitan, and said: “Tell me. Why the hell is Arafat still alive?” He looked first at Raful, then at
Gaza was seven miles from the southern Israeli city of Ashkelon and just 40 from the outskirts of Tel AVIV. Israel did secure control of the entire Galilee, up to the pre-war borders with Lebanon and Syria, and of the Negev Desert in the south. The territory of our new state was about a third larger than
ons be imposed, and Shlomo agreed. The first was that the visit not occur on a Friday, when the mosques would be full of worshipers; the second, that Sharon not set foot in either of the mosques on the Haram. Our chief of police informed Sharon that if he didn't accept the conditions, we'd deny him permis
g escalation: the spread of the violence into Israel itself, with unprecedentedly serious clashes between our own Arab citizens and the police in the Galilee, in Wadi Ara, in the main mixed Arab-Jewish cities, and the Negev. Beyond the political implications, the demonstrations of solidarity with the Pales
r 1998) 356 Sharm el-Sheikh Memorandum (4 September 1999) 358 Protocol Concerning Safe Passage between West Bank and Gaza Strip (5 October 1999) 363 Sharon Address at Fourth Herzliya Conference (18 December 2003) 371 Exchange of Letters between PM Sharon and President Bush (14 April 2004) 376 Disengage
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023140 →OF - FINAL, 12/9/2014, SPi 34 i 36° Beirut , i ¢ PALESTINE ° ka oy (1900) a £ . Damascus @ Ss Tyre NV ~ ») e ~ 4 Golan Akko 5, G) Haifa Sea of * e ; Galilee Nazareth “ibid Mediterranean a me Sea g Nablus - © G g ° P32 — Jatta ° i —32—| Jericho | Amman Jerusalem ® co tied Hebron . Deal > Gaza ye s ed & ° *
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023176 →Entities connected to both Sharon and Galilee

George W. Bush
PERSON
Chris Christie
PERSON
Marc Rich
PERSON
Bill Clinton
PERSON
Benjamin Netanyahu
PERSON
Jerusalem
LOCATION
United States
LOCATION
Barack Obama
PERSON
Ehud Barak
PERSONLeon Black
PERSON
Fatah
ORGANIZATION
Lebanon
LOCATION
Damascus
LOCATIONSinai
LOCATION
Yasser Arafat
PERSON
Virginia Giuffre
PERSON
West Bank
LOCATION
Bashar al-Assad
PERSON
John F. Kennedy
PERSON
Ariel Sharon
PERSON