Epstein Secrets

the spot, many of whom he had never met before, for positions whose importance Trump did not particularly understand. Ailes, a veteran of the Nixon, Reagan, and Bush 41 White Houses, was growing worried by the president-elect’s lack of immediate focus on a White House structure that could serve and prote

hiefs have included Richard Nixon’s H. R. Haldeman and Alexander Haig; Gerald Ford’s Donald Rumsfeld and Dick Cheney; Jimmy Carter’s Hamilton Jordan; Ronald Reagan’s James Baker; George H. W. Bush’s return of James Baker; Bill Clinton’s Leon Panetta, Erskine Bowles, and John Podesta; George W. Bush’s Andrew Card;

ress secretary, Sean Spicer— whose personal mantra would shortly become “You can’t make this shit up’—to argue his case in a media moment that turned Spicer, quite a buttoned-down political professional, HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019919 into a national joke, which he seemed destined to never recover from. To boot

l they couldn’t control: the Republican National Committee, which was run by Priebus, his sidekick, thirty-two-year-old Katie Walsh, and their flack, Sean Spicer. Instead of being all in, the RNC, ultimately the tool of the Republican establishment, had been hedging its bets ever since Trump won the nomination

political professional, HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019919 into a national joke, which he seemed destined to never recover from. To boot, the president blamed Spicer for not making the million phantom souls seem real. It was the first presidential instance of what the campaign regulars had learned over many month

subsume the conference this year, and everybody wanted to turn out for this sweet moment. The president, set to speak on the second day, would, like Ronald Reagan, address the conference in his first year in office, whereas both Bushes, wary of CPAC and conservative activists, had largely snubbed the gathering.

rged John Birchers and the racist right and embraced the philosophic conservative tenets of Russell Kirk and William F. Buckley. In time, it endorsed Reagan-era small government and antiregulatory reform, and then added the components of the cultural wars—antiabortion, anti-gay-marriage, and a tilt toward

was often blamed on lower minions and permanent executive branch staff, culminating in late February with an all-hands meeting of staffers called by Sean Spicer—cell phones surrendered at the door—during which the press secretary issued threats of random phone checks and admonitions about the use of encrypted

taff. Bannon was disloyal (not to mention he always looks like shit). Priebus was weak (not to mention he was short—a midget). Kushner was a suck-up. Spicer was stupid (and looks terrible too). Conway was a crybaby. Jared and Ivanka should never have come to Washington. His callers, largely because they

and the stage in his own house. He regularly berated Spicer for his ham-handed performances, often giving his full attention to them. His response to Spicer’s briefings was part of his continuing belief that nobody could work the media like he could, that somehow he had been stuck with an F-Troop communic

ducers, The (film), 15-16 Pruitt, Scott, 21 Putin, Vladimir, 7, 8, 24, 37-38, 99-102, 153, 155 Qatar, 230-31 Raffel, Josh, 142, 207, 258-59, 279 Reagan, Ronald, 26, 27, 34, 58, 90, 126—27, 144, 201, 222 Remnick, David, 154 HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020133 Renaissance Technologies, 58 Republican National Comm

nal into a joke figure standing at the White House door. In his daily out-of-body experience, as a witness to his own humiliation and loss for words, Spicer understood after a while—although he began to understand this beginning his first day on the job when dealing with the dispute about the inaugural au

he also wanted it because again and again the response surprised him—and, as though every time was the first time, he could not modify his behavior. Sean Spicer caught the brunt of the daily drama, turning this otherwise reasonable, mild-mannered, process-oriented professional into a joke figure standing at t

e House—Jared, Ivanka, Hope Hicks, and an increasingly ambivalent Dina Powell and Gary Cohn on one side, and almost everyone else, including Priebus, Spicer, Conway, and most clearly Bannon, on the other—were most distinguished by their culpability in or distance from the Comey-Mueller calamity. It was, a

our greatest intuitions, especially after Ronald Reagan proclaimed in his first inaugural address on Janu

. This slide of lost trust didn't just start with President Trump, as Americans have been losing trust in our greatest intuitions, especially after Ronald Reagan proclaimed in his first inaugural address on January 20, 1981 that "Government is the problem." Continuing on with this soundbite, Republican Conser

a claim that was easily disproved by looking at two pictures of the crowds. Shortly after, White House adviser Kellyanne Conway infamously defended Spicer by arguing that the administration was merely offering "alternative facts." This is not how the presidency normally works. It's normal, if unfortun

he United States and other surrogates to present falsehoods on his behalf to falsely claim that his 306 Electoral Votes was the most since President Reagan and for so many other false claims — why aren't President Trump's advisors and supporters not distraught and demanding what he promised, integrity,

m that his 306 Electoral Votes was the most since President Reagan and for so many other false claims — why aren't

rst week in office, Mr. Trump reiterated the unfounded charge that millions of people had voted illegally. When challenged on the evident falsehood, Sean Spicer, the White House press secretary, seemed to argue that Mr. Trump's belief that something was true qualified as evidence. The press secretary also d

court challenging Judge Daniel S. Fiore II's handling of a plea agreement her office offered to a man allegedly found with 50 pounds of marijuana at Reagan National Airport. Separately, Haywood recently went to the Virginia Supreme Court and accused Fiore of violating his clients' due process rights in

to the dispute over Cyprus," because there were "two different peoples" on the island with "two different democratic orders." Reuters (11/15, Koca, Spicer) quotes Erdogan as saying, "Our priority is to ensure a fair, lasting and sustainable solution. ... A two-state solution must be negotiated on the b

court challenging Judge Daniel S. Fiore II's handling of a plea agreement her office offered to a man allegedly found with 50 pounds of marijuana at Reagan National Airport. Separately, Haywood recently went to the Virginia Supreme Court and accused Fiore of violating his clients' due process rights in

to the dispute over Cyprus," because there were "two different peoples" on the island with "two different democratic orders." Reuters (11/15, Koca, Spicer) quotes Erdogan as saying, "Our priority is to ensure a fair, lasting and sustainable solution. ... A two-state solution must be negotiated on the b

court challenging Judge Daniel S. Fiore II's handling of a plea agreement her office offered to a man allegedly found with 50 pounds of marijuana at Reagan National Airport. Separately, Haywood recently went to the Virginia Supreme Court and accused Fiore of violating his clients' due process rights in

to the dispute over Cyprus," because there were "two different peoples" on the island with "two different democratic orders." Reuters (11/15, Koca, Spicer) quotes Erdogan as saying, "Our priority is to ensure a fair, lasting and sustainable solution. ... A two-state solution must be negotiated on the b

n allegedly found with 50 pounds of marijuana at Reagan National Airport. Separately, Haywood recently we

tps://wwvv.reuters.corn/article/us-cyprus-turkey/erdogan-visits-northern-cyprus-calls-for-two-state- solution-for-island-idUSKBN27VOBB> (11/15, Koca, Spicer) quotes Erdogan as saying, "Our priority is to ensure a fair, lasting and sustainable solution.... A two-state solution must be negotiated on the ba