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other without having to turn to the mutual defense clause. These options should be considered now. For example, before the US-led coalition invaded Saddam Hussein's Iraq in 2003, Turkey requested a meeting with its allies, under Article 4 of the NATO treaty, to discuss how the alliance could help Turkey deter a
k. During the 1991 Gulf War, then Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein had millions of barrels of oil dumped int
mous among them includes Mohamed Hassan, Mohamed Hussein Yacoub, Abu Ishaq El-Howaini, Sayed El- Afani, Os
ons with the Palestinians would rejigger the Israeli political map, creating opportunities for another center—right alliance, as was attempted with Shaul Mofaz last spring. Domestic political EFTA00700351 considerations will weigh heavily on Netanyahu's thinking, and in that regard there are more reasons
reports in the weeks after the training accident made secrecy impossible. We were planning to infiltrate a Sayeret Matkal unit into Iraq, and to kill Saddam Hussein. The Gulf War had blunted any immediate threat from Iraq. But Saddam had proven he could launch missiles into the heart of Israel. We knew from our
urate at long range. But they could reach Israeli towns and cities, and could carry not just conventional explosives but chemical warheads. Moreover, Saddam had used chemical weapons: during the Iran-Iraq war, and to kill thousands of his own restive Kurdish population in the town of Halabja in the spring
t reminded me of how my father had spoken to me when I was growing up — minus the “well-off family” part. 232 HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011703 When we got to Hussein’s country home, we were greeted by an impressively self-assured man in his late 20s who, like Hussein, had studied at Britain’s military academy in S
tebbe, he said that if we couldn’t be reasonably confident of success, we would negotiate. Now that we knew where Waschsman was being held, I ordered Shaul Mofaz, the commander with responsibility for the West Bank, to prepare for a possible rescue. Before going to brief Rabin, I arranged for another commando
reports in the weeks after the training accident made secrecy impossible. We were planning to infiltrate a Sayeret Matkal unit into Iraq, and to kill Saddam Hussein. The Gulf War had blunted any immediate threat from Iraq. But Saddam had proven he could launch missiles into the heart of Israel. We knew from our i
urate at long range. But they could reach Israeli towns and cities, and could carry not just conventional explosives but chemical warheads. Moreover, Saddam had used chemical weapons: during the Iran-Iraq war, and to kill thousands of his own restive Kurdish population in the town of Halabja in the spring
t reminded me of how my father had spoken to me when I was growing up - minus the "well-off family" part. 232 HOUSE _OVERSIGHT_028080 When we got to Hussein's country home, we were greeted by an impressively self-assured man in his late 20s who, like Hussein, had studied at Britain's military academy in S
tebbe, he said that if we couldn't be reasonably confident of success, we would negotiate. Now that we knew where Waschsman was being held, I ordered Shaul Mofaz, the commander with responsibility for the West Bank, to prepare for a possible rescue. Before going to brief Rabin, I arranged for another commando
Entities connected to both Saddam Hussein and Shaul Mofaz

Barack Obama
PERSON
George W. Bush
PERSON
United States
LOCATION
Bill Clinton
PERSON
Bashar al-Assad
PERSON
Jeffrey Epstein
PERSON
Lebanon
LOCATION
Tehran
LOCATION
Benjamin Netanyahu
PERSON
Jerusalem
LOCATION
Hosni Mubarak
PERSON
Damascus
LOCATION
Tunisia
LOCATION
Terje Rod-Larsen
PERSON
Vladimir Putin
PERSON
Hillary Clinton
PERSON
Samantha Power
PERSON
Cairo
LOCATION
John F. Kennedy
PERSON
Ronald Reagan
PERSON