Epstein Secrets

t money spent on security or lost to waste and fraud, it said. Former President George W. Bush's administration cited its belief that Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein's government held weapons of mass destruction to justify the decision to go to war. U.S. and allied forces later found that such stockpiles did not

ere were no weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. Saddam Hussein had no links to al Qaeda. The U.S. was gr

e no weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. Saddam Hussein had no links to al Qaeda. The U.S. was greeted no

effects of austerity on weak economies. And this is still nothing like a boom. Krugman says that fiscal fearmongering is a major industry inside the Beltway, especially among those looking for excuses to do what they really want, namely dismantle Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security. People whose care

ho asserted before the Iraq invasion that Saddam Hussein had reconstituted nuclear weapons? The man who sa

al and labeling several Obama assertions "simply false." A lecture on veracity and falsehood from the man who asserted before the Iraq invasion that Saddam Hussein had reconstituted nuclear weapons? The man who said hitting Iraq would strike "a major blow right" at the base of the 9/11 terrorists? The man who c

n Iraq, the United States should not have gone to war in 2003. But not Cheney. When Thiessen relayed a question to him about whether containment of Saddam would have been better than military action, Cheney said "I disagree." He unabashedly made allegations against Iran Tuesday that he once made again

nge was doomed from the start. EFTA00846375 Fourth, as befits a group of armchair ideologues whose primary goal has been winning power inside the Beltway, neoconservatives are often surprisingly ignorant about the actual conditions of the countries whose politics and society they want to transform. Ha

bama completely missed the revolutionary wave of Middle Eastern democracy—precisely the wave the neocons had hoped to trigger with the overthrow of Saddam Hussein in Iraq. When revolution broke out—first in Iran, then in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Syria—the president faced stark alternatives. He could try to

eocons had hoped to trigger with the overthrow of Saddam Hussein in Iraq. When revolution broke out—first

trol the SCAF — he sacked Field Marshal Mohammed Hussein Tantawi; military chief of staff Sami Anan; and t

t a positive spin on an unfolding catastrophe. The Journal has been all in on the "Arab Spring" fairy tale from the get-go, joining the bipartisan Beltway chorus in presenting the rise of Islamist totalitarianism as a spontaneous eruption of freedom fervor. Even so, it was jarring to find the paper bu

ump insiders as Uday and Qusay, after the sons of Saddam Hussein—wondered if there couldn’t somehow be two

iders as Uday and Qusay, after the sons of Saddam Hussein—wondered if there couldn’t somehow be two paralle

e or other performance measures. His sons, Don Jr. and Eric—jokingly behind their backs known to Trump insiders as Uday and Qusay, after the sons of Saddam Hussein—wondered if there couldn’t somehow be two parallel White House structures, one dedicated to their father’s big-picture views, personal appearances, a

in practice, this strategy merely favors governors over senators. Every serious candidate, no matter how much he or she disses Washington, relies on Beltway insiders for counsel and support. But with Trump, hardly a person in his innermost circle had ever worked in politics at the national level—his close