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n’t trust government. In response, Judge Maxwell Cohen said that anyone who holds such views “ought not
ce these speakers and preclude their audiences from hearing their message is exemplified by what occurred at the University of California at Irvine. Michael Oren -- a distinguished scholar and writer, a moderate supporter of the two-state solution, and now Israel's Ambassador to the United States -- was invite
ion. This is not to suggest that justice should remain blind to the existence of a real emergency endangering the survival of the nation. As Justice Arthur Goldberg once wrote: “While the Constitution protects against the invasion of individual rights, it is not a suicide pact.” But it is precisely during times o
Justice Hugo Black, who purport to be absolutist for the protection of all speech, have figured out ways to finesse the problem. Consider the case of Cohen v. the United States in which an opponent of the Viet Nam War wore to court a jacket displaying the words “Fuck the draft.” Justice Black joined a di
his law clerk with him. In the end, Judge Bazelon was regarded as too liberal for the Kennedy Administration and was passed over for labor secretary Arthur Goldberg, who had no judicial experience, but boasted a distinguished career as a labor lawyer before he joined the Cabinet as Secretary of Labor. Bazelon and
ter or worse.) I also met my second wife, Carolyn Cohen, and began to live a more stable and rewarding ho
ce and opposed the arms embargo against the Jewish state. Its membership over the years has included such distinguished lawyers as Thurgood Marshall, Arthur Goldberg, Ferdinand Pecora, Paul O’Dwyer, Louis Boudin, and William Hastie. During its early years, splits developed between the anti-Communist liberals and t
Entities connected to both Michael Cohen and Arthur Goldberg

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