Epstein Secrets

ould certainly consider such an offer. Eventually President Kennedy appointed someone else, deeming Taylor too libera

cases; * played a role, sometimes large, sometimes small, in some of the most cataclysmic events of the last half century—from the assassination of JFK, to the forced resignation of Richard Nixon, to the Chappaquiddick investigation of Ted Kennedy, to the impeachment of President Clinton, to the war

heard the “I have a dream” speech of Martin Luther King, was close to the Cuban Missile Crisis, and partook of events following the assassination of John F. Kennedy. As a young lawyer, I played a role in the Pentagon Papers case, the forced resignation of Richard Nixon, and the anti-war prosecutions of Dr. Spock

appointed but he knew it would have taken a miracle to overcome the objections of the Justice Department, and he didn’t have close connections to the Kennedys. “Good for you. Not so good for me. And good for the country,” is how he summarized the appointment to me a few days later. Good for me, because the

never I visited—then as a full participant). The first time I went to Kronheim’s for lunch, we picked up two justices at the Supreme Court building: William O. Douglas and William Brennan. I had previously met Justice Brennan through his son Bill, who was my law school classmate and moot court partner. Justice Brenn

nd anticipating watching a man walk on the moon. I had no idea how much more exciting the summer would become. I received a call from one of Senator Kennedy’s aides, telling me that the Senator had been involved in a fatal automobile accident and asking me to make my way to Martha’s Vineyard—a place I had

he Bible, and simply assumed that it must have been about adultery. So much for journalistic integrity. Shortly after the Clinton case was resolved, John Kennedy, Jr.—the late son of the former President—called and asked me if I would contribute an article to his magazine, George. He asked me if I would descri

h Court dismissed the case as moot, thus postponing the decision as to whether it would uphold race-specific affirmative action programs. But Justice William O. Douglas, probably the 57 DeFunis v. Odegaard, 416 U.S. 312 (1974). 291 HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017378 4.2.12 WC: 191694 court’s most liberal member at the time,

run. (An example of this last category, at least with the benefit of hindsight, was the decision by The New York Times to withhold publication of the Kennedy administration’s imminent intention to invade the Bay of Pigs in Cuba. Had it disclosed this information, the fiasco might have been called off, many

rari in Rudolph v. Alabama (1963)—a case involving imposition of the death penalty on a black man who was convicted of raping a white woman. Justice William O. Douglas signed on as well. The dissenters invited the bar to address the following questions, which they deemed “relevant and worthy of argument and consider