Epstein Secrets

ked her who the professor was and she told me she couldn’t remember his name but that she thought it started with a “B.” A few days later, we met the Clintons at a party. I came prepared with yearbook photos of all the professors from that year whose name began with “B.” She immediately identified the culpr

d Nazi war criminal John Demjanjuk and subsequently consulted with the Israeli government about that case. Later in my career, I was a lawyer in the Bill Clinton impeachment, the Bush v. Gore election case, the efforts to free Nelson Mandela, Natan Sharansky and other political prisoners. I participated in the

vestigation of Ted Kennedy, to the impeachment of President Clinton, to the war crimes trials of accused war criminal

his law clerk with him. In the end, Judge Bazelon was regarded as too liberal for the Kennedy Administration and was passed over for labor secretary Arthur Goldberg, who had no judicial experience, but boasted a distinguished career as a labor lawyer before he joined the Cabinet as Secretary of Labor. Bazelon and

fe during my 8" decade. Until recently, I was always known as a liberal Democrat aligned politically with the likes of Senator Ted Kennedy, President Bill Clinton, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, Senator Hubert Humphrey, Justices Arthur Goldberg and William Brennan, the Reverend Martin Luther King, and Judg

to the White House for lunch to continue our discussion. 365 HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017452 4.2.12 WC: 191694 Getting back to my invitation to President Clinton to attend Rosh Hashanah services, this was not the first such invitation I had extended to a head of state. In 1990, I had invited Soviet President M

2.12 WC: 191694 Getting back to my invitation to President Clinton to attend Rosh Hashanah services, this was not th

ce and opposed the arms embargo against the Jewish state. Its membership over the years has included such distinguished lawyers as Thurgood Marshall, Arthur Goldberg, Ferdinand Pecora, Paul O’Dwyer, Louis Boudin, and William Hastie. During its early years, splits developed between the anti-Communist liberals and t

r hero—I had called Arafat’s death “untimely,” because if he had only died five years earlier, the Palestinian Authority might well have accepted the Clinton-Barak peace offer—but they also knew my views on freedom of speech. I agreed to represent them, as long as they understood that I would continue to c

ion. This is not to suggest that justice should remain blind to the existence of a real emergency endangering the survival of the nation. As Justice Arthur Goldberg once wrote: “While the Constitution protects against the invasion of individual rights, it is not a suicide pact.” But it is precisely during times o