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ress secretary, Sean Spicer— whose personal mantra would shortly become “You can’t make this shit up’—to argue his case in a media moment that turned Spicer, quite a buttoned-down political professional, HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019919 into a national joke, which he seemed destined to never recover from. To boot
l they couldn’t control: the Republican National Committee, which was run by Priebus, his sidekick, thirty-two-year-old Katie Walsh, and their flack, Sean Spicer. Instead of being all in, the RNC, ultimately the tool of the Republican establishment, had been hedging its bets ever since Trump won the nomination
political professional, HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019919 into a national joke, which he seemed destined to never recover from. To boot, the president blamed Spicer for not making the million phantom souls seem real. It was the first presidential instance of what the campaign regulars had learned over many month
ould say. “All our guys are terrible, nobody knows what they’re doing... . Wish Corey was back.” Trump quickly soured on his second campaign manager, Paul Manafort, as well. By August, trailing Clinton by 12 to 17 points and facing a daily firestorm of eviscerating press, Trump couldn’t conjure even a far-fetch
was often blamed on lower minions and permanent executive branch staff, culminating in late February with an all-hands meeting of staffers called by Sean Spicer—cell phones surrendered at the door—during which the press secretary issued threats of random phone checks and admonitions about the use of encrypted
taff. Bannon was disloyal (not to mention he always looks like shit). Priebus was weak (not to mention he was short—a midget). Kushner was a suck-up. Spicer was stupid (and looks terrible too). Conway was a crybaby. Jared and Ivanka should never have come to Washington. His callers, largely because they
and the stage in his own house. He regularly berated Spicer for his ham-handed performances, often giving his full attention to them. His response to Spicer’s briefings was part of his continuing belief that nobody could work the media like he could, that somehow he had been stuck with an F-Troop communic
egated to find a crime would find one—likely many. Everybody became a potential agent of implicating others. Dominos would fall. Targets would flip. Paul Manafort, making a good living in international financial gray areas, his risk calculation based on the long-shot odds that an under-the-radar privateer would
nal into a joke figure standing at the White House door. In his daily out-of-body experience, as a witness to his own humiliation and loss for words, Spicer understood after a while—although he began to understand this beginning his first day on the job when dealing with the dispute about the inaugural au
he also wanted it because again and again the response surprised him—and, as though every time was the first time, he could not modify his behavior. Sean Spicer caught the brunt of the daily drama, turning this otherwise reasonable, mild-mannered, process-oriented professional into a joke figure standing at t
e House—Jared, Ivanka, Hope Hicks, and an increasingly ambivalent Dina Powell and Gary Cohn on one side, and almost everyone else, including Priebus, Spicer, Conway, and most clearly Bannon, on the other—were most distinguished by their culpability in or distance from the Comey-Mueller calamity. It was, a
would be gone. All this was part of the background to one of the most preposterous meetings in modern politics. On June 9, 2016, Don Jr., Jared, and Paul Manafort met with a movieworthy cast of dubious characters in Trump Tower after having been promised damaging information about Hillary Clinton. Don Jr., enco
a claim that was easily disproved by looking at two pictures of the crowds. Shortly after, White House adviser Kellyanne Conway infamously defended Spicer by arguing that the administration was merely offering "alternative facts." This is not how the presidency normally works. It's normal, if unfortun
s. But does anyone really believe that? Does anyone seriously believe that the June 2016 meeting with Trump Jr., Kushner, and then- campaign manager Paul Manafort was the only time that Trump aides ever spoke to Russian officials about the campaign? And does anyone truly believe that somehow Trump himself was
firm Davis Polk announced it would add Greg Andres, the senior assistant special counsel who led the prosecution of former Trump campaign chairman Paul Manafort, to its litigation department in New York. ... Andrew Weissmann, another senior assistant special counsel who is now a fellow at New York Universi
Page: EFTA00021208 →Before becoming the first lady's communications director in March 2017, she worked in the West Wing as a deputy to Trump's first press secretary, Sean Spicer." -- House Republicans are preparing to go after a Trump appointee who used to work for them on the Hill after he released a report that said Whit
Page: EFTA00021230 →Entities connected to both Sean Spicer and Paul Manafort

Donald Trump
PERSON
Jeffrey Epstein
PERSON
Barack Obama
PERSON
Department of Justice
ORGANIZATION
George W. Bush
PERSON
Robert Mueller
PERSON
Michael Cohen
PERSON
Joe Biden
PERSON
Prince Andrew
PERSON
Stephen Hawking
PERSON
Bill Clinton
PERSON
Hillary Clinton
PERSON
Virginia Giuffre
PERSON
Mike Pence
PERSON
Marc Rich
PERSON
William Barr
PERSON
Bloomberg L.P.
ORGANIZATION
Jared Kushner
PERSON
White House
ORGANIZATION
Rudy Giuliani
PERSON