Epstein Secrets

Hamas supporters concede have cost the group support. "We became like a police state," said Ahmed Yousef, a former adviser to Hamas Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh. "They became scared of any rally or demonstration." Hamas, eager to preserve its rule, has also become wary of provoking a new Israeli offensive

s a very traditional society. In a country of 85 million, you have to wonder how much of it the Facebook kids, the secularists, and the liberals of Tahrir Square actually represented. The future of the 100-member constituent assembly charged with drafting the all-important constitution is now uncerta

neighboring Egypt of the Muslim Brotherhood, which helped create the Palestinian militant group in the late 1980s. Gaza-based Hamas Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh and former Hamas Foreign Minister Mahmoud Zahar are demanding a stronger overall voice in the Islamist organization, in what is becoming its most p

transition followed by military rule, leading to a second wave of popular protest that leads to a period of chaos. As the episodes appeared in the Tahrir newspaper, many readers anxiously asked whether there was an "exit" from this long and dark tunnel. There is, at least in the novel, but it took ni

ad become little more than a collaborator with Israel. Declaring that the new government must "preserve room for resistance," Hamas Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh underscored why the odds on this political détente holding up had always seemed steep. If these odds are to improve, both factions will have to mak

b in the Ministry of Health. When she wrote a memoir about her time in jail, she began it using a prostitute's eyebrow pencil and toilet paper. In Tahrir she knew she belonged. Her American friend, Islamicist Bruce Lawrence, managed to reach her there by cell phone. "Bruce, Bruce," she exclaimed in d

leader Moussa Abu Marzouk has set up shop in Cairo. And Hamas leaders used last Friday's midday prayers to publicly salute what Gaza Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh called "the heroic people of Syria who are striving for freedom, democracy and reform." Iran, Hamas knows, is not amused. But that appears to be a

ings. What does our reaction say about us?" They need to have that conversation. In Egypt, every day it becomes clearer that the Army has used the Tahrir uprising to get rid of its main long- term rival for succession — President Hosni Mubarak's more reform-minded son, Gamal. Now, having gotten rid o

y leader Moussa Abu Marzouk has set up shop in Cairo. And Hamas leaders used last Friday's midday prayers to publicly salute what Gaza Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh called "the heroic people of Syria who are striving for freedom, democracy and reform." Iran, Hamas knows, is not amused. But that appears to be a

lings. What does our reaction say about us?" They need to have that conversation. In Egypt, every day it becomes clearer that the Army has used the Tahrir uprising to get rid of its main long-term rival for succession — President Hosni Mubarak's more reform-minded son, Gamal. Now, having gotten rid o

ike those witnessed on Sunday is never going to allow a political accommodation with Israel and would never be satisfied by one anyway. No wonder Ismail Haniyeh, Hamas's prime minister, can say he would be prepared to accept the 1967 borders—but that establishing those borders will never mean an end to the

EFTA00586640 9 resolution. If the Arab Spring has done nothing else, it has at least disposed of the latter proposition. From Tehran to Tunis to Tahrir Square, Muslims are rising against their rulers for reasons quite apart from anything happening in Gaza, the West Bank or the Golan Heights. This