Epstein Secrets

fathered a child. Other murder clients I rejected included Radovin Karadic, the head of Bosnian Serbs during the terrible ethnic wars in the former Yugoslavia. Karadic first called me while he was still a fugitive and while the killings were still ongoing and asked me to represent him. I told him of my poli

e end, I would have been willing to go to Cairo as part of such a defense team, but I certainly was tempted. I was less tempted by the offer made by Gaddafi’s Lybian lawyer. The Gaddafi offer was firm, accompanied by a signed formal retainer letter and contract. I have the contract in front of me as I wri

Arab Spring” of 2011, I received calls from individuals representing both deposed President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt and then fugitive leader of Lybia, Muammar Gaddafi, both of whom were being accused of killing innocent civilians. A Norweigan human rights activist who was close to Mubarak asked me if I would be wi

funds," wrote Dinucci in "Financial Heist of the Century? Some other commentators have compared the conflicts to the past ones of Iraq or to former Yugoslavia. Time will tell whether Libya will be able to set itself straight and to recover its wealth. B. Gravrand Gregory Brown Chairman & CEO GlobalCast

ed Kaim Khaled Kaim Opalesque Industry Update - Rebels have been fighting the 41-year-long regime of the Libyan government of Muammar Qaddafi (or Gaddafi) for three months, and NATO countries became involved — to protect civilian lives and also to protect Gadhafi's enemies from his forces (according t

ement Information Report," dated June 30, 2010, on the intemet. It gives details of the Western banks which - through the LIA - are holding cash for Gaddafi (HSBC and Goldman Sachs), of large investments in structured products at the Societe Generale and JPMorgan Chase, and of large portions of cash ($1

ld mostly rejoiced when the former Soviet Union and its empire collapsed and some of its constituent republics fragmented into smaller units, notably Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia. We should be prepared to deal with the specter of existing Arab countries that reconfigure their frontiers and populations while

gs for nondemocratic regimes are always preferable to hard ones, even if the process takes some time. A moral argument can be made that monsters like Muammar el-Qaddafi in Libya and Kim Jong-il in North Korea should be overthrown any way they can, as fast as we can, regardless of the risk of short-term chaos. But tha

e required to hold the state together. To be sure, Egypt's Mubarak and Tunisia's Ben Ali neither ran police states on the terrifying scale of Libya's Qaddafi and Syria's Assad nor stifled economic progress with such alacrity. But while Mubarak and Ben Ali left their countries in conditions suitable for the

se. Just a few weeks ago, that would have seemed a surprising conclusion. Supporters of "liberal interventionism" hailed the decision to bomb Colonel Gaddafi's forces in Libya as evidence of a longed-for new era, in which dictators can no longer feel free to massacre their own people. However a western fai

mptions can lead you into as much trouble this quickly. Even in 1989-90, those countries were the exception and not the rule. Think Ukraine, Belarus, Yugoslavia, Romania, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and of course Russia itself. More people live in countries where the 1989-90 revolutionary wave failed t