Epstein Secrets

virtual policy, it has also been more open to the media than any White House in recent memory. In the beginning, I sought a level of formal access to this White House, something of a fly-on- the-wall status. The president himself encouraged this idea. But, given the many fiefdoms in the Trump White House that came

heeding Senate leader Mitch McConnell’s prescription that “this president will sign whatever is put in front of him,” while also taking advantage of the White House’s lack of political and legislative experience and outsourcing as much policy as possible to Capitol Hill. In the early weeks of the administration, P

om he had never met before, for positions whose importance Trump did not particularly understand. Ailes, a veteran of the Nixon, Reagan, and Bush 41 White Houses, was growing worried by the president-elect’s lack of immediate focus on a White House structure that could serve and protect him. He tried to impres

cific ideas about how to turn his themes and vitriol into policy, nor a team that could reasonably unite behind him. HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019969 In most White Houses, policy and action flow down, with staff trying to implement what the president wants—or, at the very least, what the chief of staff says the preside

e—the circle that seemed always to move with him in lockstep, including Bannon, Priebus, Kushner, Stephen Miller, and National Economic Council chief Gary Cohn—but conducted it entirely himself. Each of the people at the table, taking a point of interest, spoke for five minutes, with Trump then asking follow

n Trump's inner circle. Chief of Staff John Kelly, fed up with Trump—just as Trump was f up with him—seemed surely on the way out. Kelly had joined the Wh House, replacing Reince Priebus, Trump's first chief of staff, in Aug 2017, charged with bringing management discipline to a chaotic W Wing. But by mid-f

mp campaign, arguably among the most careless about election law compliance in recent history. Before joining the Trump administra- tion, McGahn had no White House or executive branch experience. He had never worked in the Justice Department or, in fact, anywhere in gov- ernment. Formerly an attorney for a nonp

ho had been pushed out of the administration (Kushner had urged the ouster of many of them), any of whom might testify against him. In March alone, Gary Cohn, the president's chief economic adviser, Rex Tillerson, the secretary of state, and Andrew McCabe, the deputy director of the FBI—each man bearing

thirty, Ryan called the president to say he was short fifteen to twenty votes and needed to pull the vote. Bannon, backed by Mulvaney, who had become the White House’s Hill operative, continued to urge an immediate vote. A defeat here would be a major defeat for the Republican leadership. That suited Bannon just fin

ore and more seemed to be. Meanwhile, virtually everybody believed that a large measure of the fault lay in Reince Priebus, who had failed to create a White House that could protect the president from himself—or from Bannon or from his own children. At the same time, believing that the fundamental problem lay i

struck back, bringing into the White House his own tough-guy Jews— Goldman Jews. OOK Ok Kushner had pushed for the then president of Goldman Sachs, Gary Cohn, to run the National Economic Council and to be the president’s chief economic adviser. Bannon’s choice had been CNBC’s conservative anchor and comme

lic enemy; they expected nothing of him. But Priebus and Spicer HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020089 they regarded as functionaries, and their job was to support the White House’s goals, which included their goals and interests. Spicer, ever ridiculed in the media for his cockamamie defense of the White House and a seeming dum

ce his exit from the White House six weeks before—he was on a crash all-sushi diet. “That building,” said his friend David Bossie, speaking about all White Houses but especially the Trump White House, “takes perfectly healthy people and turns them into old, unhealthy people.” But Bannon, who Bossie had declared

, might have been there, but he was “not taking a pencil to anything.” Nearby, in a small conference room watching the movie Fargo, were Dina Powell, Gary Cohn, Stephen Miller, and H. R. McMaster, all of whom would later insist that they were, however physically close to the unfolding crisis, removed from it

From: Richard Kahn < > Sent: Tuesday, August 29, 2017 6:35 PM To: Jeffrey Epstein Subject: 'Only morons pay the estate tax,' says White Houses Gary Cohn https://www.cnbc.com/2017/08/29/only-morons-pay-the-estate-tax-says-white-houses-gary-cohn.html Richard Kahn HBRK Associates Inc. 1 EF

rom: Richard Kahn < > Sent: Tuesday, August 29, 2017 6:35 PM To: Jeffrey Epstein Subject: 'Only morons pay the estate tax,' says White Houses Gary Cohn https://www.cnbc.com/2017/08/29/only-morons-pay-the-estate-tax-says-white-houses-gary-cohn.html Richard Kahn HBRK Associates Inc. 1 EFTA_R1_0139

but could only do it if President Trump asks him." -- A former congressional staffer who fought to discredit the Russia investigation got a senior White House national security job. From the Daily Beast: "Kash Patel, who helmed the efforts of former House Intelligence Committee Chairman Devin Nunes to scr

year, the market could pull back, making financial conditions 'tight' again, even though the Fed is cutting rates to try to loosen conditions." -- Gary Cohn, Trump's former chief economic adviser, said that the president's tariffs are backfiring and hurting the U.S. economy. "I think the Chinese econom

e's office has focused closely on correspondence that could be subject to public records requests, those which involve discussions between staff at the White House and at other agencies. Internal White House records are not subject to federal public records law, but messages that include officials at federal a

ees, about the president after leaving his employ. This includes, among others, John Bolton, Rex Tillerson, John Kelly, Tom Bossert, Fiona Hill and Gary Cohn. -- Spencer took the sting out of this punch by vigorously denying well-sourced press reports on Saturday that he had threatened to resign. In the

ignation after losing confidence in him. Their explanation is that Esper became "deeply troubled" when he discovered Spencer was backchanneling with the White House to offer a secret deal in which a review board would decide to let Gallagher keep his Trident pin — and affiliation with the SEALs — if Trump didn't

ees, about the president after leaving his employ. This includes, among others, John Bolton, Rex Tillerson, John Kelly, Tom Bossert, Fiona Hill and Gary Cohn. -- Spencer took the sting out of this punch by vigorously denying well-sourced press reports on Saturday that he had threatened to resign. In the

who had been pushed out of the administration (Kushner had urged the ouster of many of them), any of whom might testify against him. In March alone, Gary Cohn, the president's chief economic adviser, Rex Tillerson, the secretary of state, and Andrew McCabe, the deputy director of the FBI—each man bearing th

p didn’t want a chief of staff who would focus him. Trump, it was clear, didn’t want a chief of staff who would tell him anything. Trump did not want a White House that ran by any method other than to satisfy his desires. Someone happened to mention that John E Kennedy didn’t have a chief of staff, and now Trump

ake Bentonville, Arkansas, where Walmart had its headquarters, over Washington, D.C. For a generation or more, the arm’s-length relationship between the White House and the Department of Justice often seemed more like a never-ending conflict between armed camps. Bill Clinton could hardly stomach his attorney gene