Epstein Secrets

much of my life to trying to turn theory into reality on an international scale. I was brought up in the golden age of human rights. Our heroes were Eleanor Roosevelt, Rene Casin and Albert Schweitzer. Our great hope was the United Nations with its Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Our mantra was FDR’s “Four F

which was then fighting the New Deal, excluding black lawyers from membership, and opposing the labor movement. The original guild was an amalgam of Roosevelt liberals, CIO labor leaders, black civil rights lawyers, and radicals of assorted affiliations and persuasions. It strongly supported Israel’s strugg

itler and Goebbels deserved. To be sure, these protestors’ verbal attack on me was constitutionally protected speech, just as the Nazi march through Skokie was constitutionally protected speech. But the shouting was plainly calculated to intimidate. An aura of violence was in the air, and had the police

s debate. Lincoln's tall, gangling posture, Teddy Roosevelt's glasses and teeth, and Franklin D. Roosevelt's

legal rubric of “clear and present danger.” Early in my career I was involved in both of those types of cases. In the famous neo-Nazi march through Skokie, Illinois, the Nazi thugs deliberately decided to march—with anti-Semitic chants, signs and uniforms—through a Jewish community with a large number o

joke of the time, we knew would occur on a Jewish holiday—because whatever day he died would be a Jewish holiday! A few weeks earlier, we cried over Roosevelt’s passing, which I heard of while listening to the radio and broke the news to my grandmother Ringel, who was taking care of me. She refused to belie

uld be able to use the First Amendment as an excuse for maliciously and dishonestly attacking public figures, as he has so often done.” In the famous Skokie case, in which I supported the right of neo-Nazis to march through a heavily Jewish Chicago suburb, one of the judges argued that allowing Nazis to m